I      DEC  28  195: 


in  Memovmm 

THE  REVEREND  ARTHUR  ROMEYN   GRAY,   D.D. 

Born  Bergen  Point,  New  Jersey,  December  30,  1875. 

Son  of  George  Zabriskie  and  Kate  Forrest  Gray. 

Died  in  New  York  Qty,  January  11,  1933. 

Educated  at  Groton  Academy,   Columbia   University,  and   Oxford. 

Ordained   Deacon,   1900,   and   Priest,   1901,   in  the   Protestant  Episcopal 
Church. 

Prufessor  of  Apologetics,  1901-11,  the  University  of  the  South,  Sewanee, 
and  Chaplain,  1908-11. 

Developed  The  University  Press,  and  later  presented  it  to  the  University. 

Educational    Secretary    and    Latin-American    Secretary    of    Board    of 
Missions  of  the  Church,  1911-30. 

Member  of  staff  of  Cathedral  of  St.  John  the  Divine,  New  York,  1930-33. 

Ik'  edited  and  published  the  Sewanee  Theological  Library,  as  follows: 
The  Doctrine  of  the  Church—By  Rt.  Rev.  Dr.  A.  C.  A.  Hall 
The  Book  of  Common  Prayer—by  Rev.  Dr.  Samuel  Hart 
Christian  Apologetics—By  Rev.  Dr.  Arthiir  R.  Gray 
Manual  of  Earhj  Ecclesiastical  History— by  Rev.  Dr.  Charles  L.  Wells 
ChurcJi  History,  Medieval  and  Modern — by  Rev.  Dr.  William  Lloyd 
Bevan 

T/ie  Old  Testament— by  Rev.  Dr.  Loring  W.  Batten 

Tlio    remaining   volumes   of   this   series    are    being   distributed    by   the 
University  of  the  South  through  the   generosity  of  Dr.   Gray's  family. 

August  1,  1953. 


.£33?. 


THE 

OLD  TESTAMENT 

A  STUDY  IN  THE 
HEBREW  SACRED  WRITINGS 


SEWANEE  THEOLOGICAL  LIBRARY 

GENERAL  EDITOR  — The  Rev.  Arthur  R.  Gray,  Edu- 
cational Secretary  of  The  Board  of  Missions;  sometime 
Chaplain  of  the  University  of  the  South. 

THE  DOCTRIxNE  OF  THE  CHURCH,  by  the  Rt.  Rev. 
A.  C.  A.  Hall,  D.D.,  LL.D.,  Bishop  of  Vermont. 

"It  is  at  once  most  comprehensive  and  most  condensed;  and  its  dealing  with  some 
of  the  difficult  and  important  questions  of  our  time,  such  as  the  Resurrection,  the  In- 
carnation, and  especially  the  Atonement,  is  a  remarkable  piece  of  clear  theological 
•tatcmcnt  and  logical  argument." — Rt.  Rev.  W.  C.  Doane. 

THE  BOOK  OF  COMMON  PRAYER  (Second  Edition, 
Revised),  by  the  Very  Rev.  Samuel  Hart,  D.D.,  LL.D^ 
Dean  of  Berkeley  Divinity  School. 

"It  is  admirably  adapted  to  the  uses  of  students  of  theology,  and  is,  beyond  com- 
parison, the  best  book  of  its  kind  for  the  reading  of  Churchmen  in  general." — Dr. 
Gborgk   Hodges,  Dtan  of  the  Episcopal  Theological  School, 

APOLOGETICS,  by  the  General  Editor. 

"Distinctly  pragmatic,  but  also  thoroughly  theistic." — Dr.  W.  P.  DuBosB. 

"This  volume  has  many  excellencies;  but  the  chief  of  them  is  its  masterly  exposure 
of  the  claims  of  Naturalism." — Princeton  Theological  Review. 

MANUAL  OF  EARLY  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY 
TO  476  A.D.,  by  the  Very  Rev.  Chas.  L.  Wells,  Ph.D., 
Lecturer  in  History,  McGill  University,  Montreal ;  some- 
time Dean  of  Christ  Church  Cathedral,  New  Orleans. 

"  Compact,  clear,  and  admirably  arranged.  ...  A  boon  alike  to  men  preparing 
themselves  for  examination  and  to  the  general  reader." — The  Church  Times  (London). 

"Adapted  for  lay  use;  ....  the  layman  .  .  .  will  find  this  a  book  ...  fit  to  set 
him  on  the  way  towards  the  mastery  of  Church  History." — The  Expositor;)  Times. 

CHURCH  HISTORY:  MEDIEVAL  AND  MODERN,  by 
the  Rev.  Wilson  Lloyd  Bevan,  Ph.D.,  Professor  of  His- 
tory and  Economics,  University  of  the  South. 

THE  OLD  TESTAMENT,  by  the  Rev.  Loring  W. 
Batten,  Ph.D.,  S.T.D.,  Professor  of  the  Literature  and 
Interpretation  of  the  Old  Testament,  General  Theological 
Seminary. 

ECCLESIASTICAL  POLITY,  by  the  Rev.  George  Wil- 
liam Douglas,  D.D.,  Canon  of  the  Cathedral  of  St.  John 
the  Divine,  New  York.     (In  preparation.) 

,*,  /«  uniform  volumes.,  12-mo.  cloth,  printed  on  imported 
English  paper,  price  $1.50  per  volume,  post  prepaid. 

THE  UNIVERSITY  PRESS   OF  SEWANEE  TENNESSEE 


SEWANEE  THEOLOGICAL  LIBRARY 

THE 

OLD  TESTAMENT 

A  STUDY  IN  THE 

HEBREW  SACRED  WRITINGS 

BY  THE  REVEREND 

LORING  W.  BATTEN,  Ph.D.,  S.T.D. 

Professor  in  the   General  Theological  Seminary,   New  York; 

author  of  ** The  Old  Testament  from  the  Modern  Point  of 

View,"  '*The  Hebrew  Prophet,"  "Ezra-Nehemiah" 

in  **The  International  Critical  Commentary." 


AT  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  THE  SOUTH 
SEWANEE,  TENNESSEE 


Copyright  191 7 

bf  The  University  Press  of 

Sewanee  Tennessee 


EDITOR'S  PREFACE 

THE  object  of  this  series  is  to  provide  for  the 
clergy  and  laity  of  the  Church  a  statement,  in 
convenient  form,  of  its  Doctrine,  Discipline  and 
Worship— as  well  as  to  meet  the  often  expressed  de- 
sire on  the  part  of  Examining  Chaplains  for  text- 
books which  they  could  recommend  to  candidates 
for  Holy  Orders. 

To  satisfy,  on  the  one  hand,  the  demand  of  general 
readers  among  the  clergy  and  laity,  the  books  have 
been  provided  with  numerous  references  to  larger 
works,  making  them  introductory  in  their  nature; 
and  on  the  other  hand,  to  make  them  valuable  for  use 
in  canonical  examinations,  they  have  been  arranged 
according  to  the  canons  of  the  Church  which  deal 
with  that  matter. 

It  is  the  earnest  hope  of  the  collaborators  in  this 
series  that  the  impartial  scholarship  and  unbiased  at- 
titude adopted  throughout  will  commend  themselves 
to  Churchmen  of  all  types,  and  that  the  books  will 
therefore  be  accorded  a  general  reception  and  adopted 
as  far  as  possible  as  a  norm  for  canonical  examina- 
tions.   The  need  of  such  a  norm  is  well  known  to  all. 

And  finally  a  word  to  Examining  Chaplains.  They 
will  find  that  the  volumes  are  so  arranged  that  it  will 
be  possible  to  adapt  them  to  all  kinds  of  students. 


EDITOR'S  PREFACE 


The  actual  text  itself  should  be  taken  as  the  minimum 
of  requirement  from  the  candidate,  and  then,  by 
reference  on  their  part  to  the  bibliographies  at  the 
end  of  each  chapter,  they  can  increase  as  they  see  fit 
the  amount  of  learning  to  be  demanded  in  each  case. 
It  has  been  the  endeavor  of  the  editor  to  make  these 
bibliographies  so  comprehensive  that  Examining 
Chaplains  will  always  find  suitable  parallel  readings. 
If  in  any  way  the  general  public  will  be  by  this 
series  encouraged  to  study  the  position  of  the 
Church,  and  if  the  canonical  examinations  in  the 
different  dioceses  can  be  brought  into  greater  har- 
mony one  with  another,  our  object  will  be  accom- 
plished. 

Arthur  R.  Gray. 


PREFACE 

WHEN  new  ideas  are  first  promulgated,  it  is 
often  doubtful  how  long  they  will  stand.  Af- 
ter the  severe  testing  of  experience,  they  frequently 
are  discovered  to  be  of  little  pemanent  value.  When 
scholars  first  published  new  theories  about  the  Old 
Testament  Literature,  now  many  years  ago,  their  ar- 
guments were  assailed  vigorously,  and  a  short  life 
predicted  for  their  ideas. 

As  a  matter  of  history  the  new  opinions  have  pre- 
vailed, and  many  saw  that  they  must  prevail,  because 
they  were  not  in  the  main  wild  speculations,  but  were 
sober  conclusions  based  upon  incontrovertible  facts. 
The  serious  modern  scholarship  recognized  certain 
statements  in  the  sacred  literature,  and  saw  their  force, 
and  built  up  their  opinions  accordingly.  These  the- 
ories have  stood  the  test  of  the  most  rigid  criticism, 
and  have  been  firmly  established  and  generally  re- 
ceived. It  is  true  that  in  the  course  of  this  develop- 
ment a  good  many  radical  conjectures  have  been  put 
forth,  but  these  have  been  sifted  and  found  wanting, 
and  must  not  be  identified  with  the  sounder  criticism 
which  has  contributed  so  wonderfully  to  a  better  un- 
derstanding of  the  Hebrew  Bible. 

In  this  book  the  results  of  that  sound  criticism, 
which  have  stood  the  test  of  repeated  and  searching 


Yiii  PREFACE 


investigation,  are  set  forth  freely.  We  can  no  longer 
read  the  Old  Testament  intelligently,  if  we  ignore 
these  modern  views.  This  work  is  designed  to  serve 
as  a  guide  for  those  who  wish  to  use  their  intelligence, 
and  to  know  the  truth.  I  am  sure  that  in  the  end 
they  will  find  the  truth  helpful  rather  than  harmful, 
and  realize  that  God  revealed  His  purposes  and  held 
forth  a  helping  hand  in  the  days  of  old,  as  He  does  in 
the  days  that  are  present. 

L.  W.  Batten. 


General  Theological  Seminary, 
Ne^  York,  October  i,  1917. 


CONTENTS 

CHAFTKR  rAOK 

I.  General  Notes i 

II.  The  Pentateuch 19 

Genesis 30 

Exodus 45 

Leviticus 58 

Numbers 68 

Deuteronomy 80 

III.  The  Historical  Literature 89 

Joshua 91 

Judges 100 

Samuel 114 

Kings 133 

Chronicles-Ezra-Nehemiah 147 

Chronicles 148 

Ezra-Nehemiah 151 

IV.  The  Prophetic  Literature 157 

Isaiah 160 

Jeremiah 183 

Ezekiel 201 

The  Minor  Prophets 313 

Amos 214 

Hosea 221 

Micah 226 

Zephaniah 231 

Nahum 233 


CONTENTS 


The  Minor  Prophets — Continued : 

Habakkuk   234 

Obadiah 235 

Haggai 236 

Zechariah 238 

Malachi    247 

Joel , 249 

Jonah 252 

V.  The  Hagiographa 254 

The  Book  of  Psalms 254 

Job « 265 

The  Proverbs 273 

Daniel 281 

The  Megilloth 286 

The  Song  of  Songs 286 

Ruth 289 

Lamentations 290 

Ecclesiastes 292 

Esther 294 

VI.  The  Apocrypha 298 


THE 

OLD  TESTAMENT 


I. 
GENERAL  NOTES 

THE  Old  Testament  has  often  been  called  a  li- 
brary. The  proper  title,  Biblia  Hebraica^  means 
the  Hebrew  books.  It  is  truly  a  library,  for  it  contains 
almost  every  variety  of  literary  production, — history, 
biography,  story,  personal  memoirs,  law,  legend, 
speech,  lyric  and  dramatic  poetry,  genealogy,  philos- 
ophy,—  all  find  a  place.  Further  in  this  library  are 
gathered  the  literary  treasures  of  many  centuries. 
In  this  respect  the  Old  Testament  is  sharply  con- 
trasted with  the  New.  In  the  latter  the  various 
books  were  composed  within  a  half  century,  but  in 
the  former  the  writings  extend  over  a  period  of  at 
least  a  thousand  years.  The  Old  Testament  contains 
the  surviving  literature  of  a  nation  marked  by  a  pe- 
culiar genius  for  religion,  and  almost  every  part 
shows  the  impress  of  this  religious  spirit,  no  matter 
what  the  particular  literary  character  or  the  age  from 
which  it  came. 

When  we  open  this  volume  we  are  confused  for  a 
moment  by  two  conditions:  first,  in  the  various  edi- 
tions of  the  Old  Testament  the  arrangement  of  the 


THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


books  varies;  and,  second,  the  limits  are  not  the 
same,  some  editions  containing  books  or  fragments 
not  found  in  the  others.  These  peculiar  conditions 
require  explanation. 

The  different  arrangement. — In  the  Hebrew  Bible 
the  books  are  arranged  in  three  groups,  though  one 
group  is  subdivided.  In  the  English  Old  Testament 
there  is  no  attempt  to  mark  any  divisions  except  those 
between  the  various  books,  and  yet  there  is  a  mani- 
fest arrangement  by  groups,  though  the  arrangement 
is  radically  different  from  the  Hebrew.  A  table  will 
make  this  plain: — 


Torah 
I.        or 

The  Law 


ProphetcE 
Ptiores 
11,1.      or 

Earlier 
Prophets 


Hebrew  Canon 

English  Canon 

'  Genesis 

Genesis 

Exodus 

Exodus 

-, 

Leviticus 

Leviticus 

Numbers 

Numbers 

Deuteronomy 

Deuteronomy 

r  Joshua 
J  Judges 
I   Samuel 
L  Kings 

Joshua 
Judges 
Ruth 

Samuel 

Kings 

Chronicles 

Ezra 

Nehemiah 

Esther 

Job 
Psalms 

Proverbs 

Ecclesiastes 

Canticles 

GENERAL  NOTES 


Hebrew  Canon 

English  Canon 

'  Isaiah 

Isaiah 

Jeremiah 

Jeremiah 

Ezekiel 

Lamentations 

Hosea 

Ezekiel 

Joel 

Daniel 

Propheice 

Amos 

Hosea 

Posteriores 

Obadiah 

Joel 

11,2.       or                ^ 

Jonah 

Amos 

Later 

Micah 

Obadiah 

Prophets 

Nahum 

Jonah 

Habakkuk 

Micah 

Zephaniah 

Nahum 

Haggai 

Habakkuk 

Zechariah 

Zephaniah 

^  Malachi 

Haggai 

Zechariah 

Malachi 

'  Psalms 

Proverbs 

Job 

Canticles 

Keihubim 

Ruth 

III.    The  Writings. 

Lamentations 
Ecclesiastes 

or 
Hagiographa 

Esther 
Daniel 
Ezra 

Nehemiah 
_  Chronicles 

In  I  there  is  perfect  agreement,  but  after  that  we 
find  great  divergence,  except  in  II,  2,  where  Lam- 
entations and  Daniel  are  found  in  one  edition  but 
not  in  the  other,  neither  book  being  grouped  with 
the  prophets  in  the  Hebrew  canon.     Passing  over  for 


THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


the  moment  the  details  of  the  variations,  we  will  seek 
first  some  general  principle. 

The  arrangement  found  in  the  English  Bible  is  not 
due  to  the  translators,  but  shows  rather  the  great  in- 
fluence of  the  Greek  and  Latin  versions  of  the  Old 
Testament,  the  Septuagint  and  the  Vulgate.  The 
English  follows  the  Latin  more  closely  than  the 
Greek,  though  the  Greek  and  English  arrangements 
are  the  same  in  principle,  and  the  slight  differences 
are  unimportant. 

The  principle  of  the  English  arrangement  is  not  far 
to  seek;  a  glance  shows  that  the  basis  is  literary. 
Outside  of  the  Pentateuch,  which  early  became  too 
fixed  to  admit  of  change,  there  is  first  a  group  of  nar- 
rative books,  then  groups  respectively  of  poetical  and 
prophetic  books.  Other  considerations  have  had 
some  influence,  for  Ecclesiastes  is  in  the  poetic  group, 
probably  from  a  certain  resemblance  of  subject-mat- 
ter; Lamentations  is  placed  after  Jeremiah  from  a 
belief  in  a  common  authorship.  Within  each  group 
there  is  an  obvious  attempt  to  arrange  the  books  in 
chronological  order;  so  Ruth  is  placed  after  Judges, 
because  of  its  opening  sentence,  "and  it  came  to  pass 
in  the  days  when  the  judges  judged." 

A  principle  governing  the  arrangement  of  the  He- 
brew canon  is  by  no  means  so  obvious.  That  a  liter- 
ary principle  exerted  some  influence  is  apparent  in 
the  grouping  together  of  the  great  body  of  narrative 
(Joshua-Kings);  in  the  strict  classification  of  the 
prophets  from  which    Lamentations  and  Daniel   are 


GENERAL  NOTES 


excluded;  and  in  the  sequence  of  the  four  poetical 
books.  A  chronological  priciple  is  evident  also,  for 
the  narrative  and  prophetic  books  stand  roughly  in 
the  order  of  their  composition.  And  yet  neither 
principle  is  carried  out  strictly,  for  Chronicles-Ezra- 
Nehemiah  is  of  the  same  literary  class  as  Kings, 
and  yet  is  in  another  group,  and  every  Hebrew  editor 
must  have  know  that  Amos  and  Hosea  and  Micah 
were  earlier  than  Jeremiah  and  Ezekiel.  So  far  as 
the  prophets  are  concerned  books  seem  to  be  ar- 
ranged on  the  double  principle  of  size  and  chronology, 
with  the  former  largely  controlling.  The  larger  books 
for  the  most  part  stand  first,  but  chronological  order 
appears  in  that  Zechariah  is  next  to  the  last  book, 
though  it  is  the  largest  of  the  minor  prophets. 

It  is  possible  to  go  further  and  discover  the  actually 
controlling  principle  in  the  Hebrew  arrangement,  for 
it  reveals  the  order  in  which  the  books  were  recog- 
nized as  canonical.  The  Pentateuch  was  recognized 
as  canonical  long  before  any  other  part  was  received, 
hence  there  is  no  variation  in  this  group.  The  third 
is  quite  a  miscellaneous  collection,  but  all  its  parts 
are  late,  at  least  so  far  as  admission  to  the  canon  is 
concerned,  and  as  it  usually  takes  a  certain  time  to 
prepare  a  book  for  canonization,  it  is  safe  to  assume 
that  the  books  in  this  group  are  of  late  origin.  It  is 
of  course  possible  that  some  of  them  may  contain 
early  material;  this  is  especially  probable  of  Psalms 
and  Proverbs.  It  is  only  by  this  standard  that  we 
can  explain  the  fact  that  Chronicles  follows  Ezra  and 


6  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

Nehemiah.  It  is  a  well-known  fact  that  Chronicles- 
Ezra-Nehemiah  is  really  a  single  book  and  comes 
from  one  hand,  yet  it  is  divided  and  the  parts  are  re- 
versed, Ezra-Nehemiah,  which  deals  with  the  post- 
exilic  period,  preceding  Chronicles,  which  deals  with 
the  pre-exilic  age.  Chronicles  was  a  duplicate,  as  it 
covers  ground  already  treated  in  accepted  books, 
therefore  it  would  not  readily  be  accepted  as  canon- 
ical ;  while  Ezra-Nehemiah  is  the  only  history  of  the 
Persian  period,  and  having  no  rival,  quickly  found  a 
recognized  place  in  the  canon. 

The  different  limits. — The  Greek  and  Latin  Bibles 
contain  much  more  material  than  the  Hebrew,  for 
they  contain  that  large  addition  known  as  the  Apoc- 
rypha, which  is  allowed  in  some  English  editions 
while  from  others  it  is  rigorously  excluded.  When 
this  part  is  found  in  an  English  Bible  it  is  separated 
from  all  the  rest  as  a  sort  of  appendix.  It  is  not  so 
in  the  Greek  texts,  in  which  the  so-called  apocryphal 
books  are  mixed  in  with  the  others  with  no  discrim- 
inating marks  whatever.  Indeed  there  is  one  notable 
case  where  a  preference  is  shown  for  the  edition  later 
put  under  the  ban,  for  the  apocryphal  I  Esdras  pre- 
ceds  the  canonical  II  Esdras. 

The  basis  of  the  division  of  the  apocryphal  from  the 
canonical  books,  a  comparatively  modern  distinction, 
is  simple,  and  yet  purely  arbitrary,  for  all  books  are 
thrown  into  the  former  category,  which  do  not  exist  in 
a  Hebrew  original.     A  book  known  only  in  a  Greek 


GENERAL  NOTES 


version  was  relegated  in  the  Anglican  Church  to  a  sec- 
ondary position, — in  most  Protestant  Churches  to  an 
extra-biblical  place. 

There  are  some  strange  results  of  this  rather  reck- 
less procedure.  I  Esdras  is  as  truly  a  translation  of 
a  Semitic  original  as  II  Esdras,  but  it  was  not  so 
slavishly  literal,  and  accordingly  it  is  pushed  into  the 
apocryphal  collection.  I  Maccabees  is  among  the  best 
of  all  the  sources  we  have  for  Hebrew  history,  far 
purer  in  this  respect  than  Joshua  or  Chronicles,  yet 
the  latter  have  been  elevated  to  a  position  of  author- 
ity which  the  former  lacks.  There  are  some  most 
beautiful  passages  in  Wisdom  and  Ecclesiasticus,  but 
these  books  have  been  sadly  neglected,  because  they 
are  wholly  excluded  from  most  English  Bibles  and 
occupy  a  decidedly  subordinate  position  in  others. 

The  basis  of  the  division  is  not  only  arbitrary, 
but  is  really  unsound.  I  have  stated  that  I  Esdras  is 
really  a  free  translation  of  2  Chr.  35  f.,  Ezr.  entire, 
and  Neh.  viii,  1-12,  but  it  contains  some  additional 
matter  (I  Esd.  iii,  i-v,  6),  and  that  contributed  to  its 
downfall  in  spite  of  its  very  great  value  as  an  aid  in 
textual  and  historical  criticism.  Then  again  in  recent 
years  there  was  the  remarkable  discovery  of  portions 
of  the  Hebrew  original  of  Ecclesiasticus.  On  the 
principle  of  the  separation  rightly  applied,  therefore, 
these  two  books  ought  to  have  a  place  in  the  canon. 
Indeed  it  is  quite  impossible  to  justify  the  division 
on  any  principle  whatever.  There  is  a  good  deal  of  a 
legendary  character  in  the  apocryphal  narratives,  but 


THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


the  biblical  stories  contain   the  same   elements  and 
sometimes  to  a  pretty  great  degree. 

It  is  sometimes  forgotten  that  the  original  lan- 
guage of  the  Old  Testament  is  not  Hebrew  alone,  for 
Aramaic,  a  closely  related  Semitic  tongue,  finds  a  place 
as  well.  The  parts  which  have  come  down  to  us  in 
Aramaic  are  first  two  minute  fragments:  an  appella- 
tion in  Gen.  xxxi,  47  {^Yegar-sahadutha  —  the  heap 
of  witness),  and  a  whole  verse  in  Jeremiah  (i,  11); 
then  considerable  sections  in  two  post-exilic  books, — 
i.e.,  Dan.  ii,  46-vii,  28;  Ezr.  iv,  7-vi,  18;  vii,  12-26. 
The  amount  is  proportionately  very  small,  but  it  is 
very  real,  so  that  to  read  the  Old  Testament  in 
the  original  requires  a  knowledge  of  two  Semitic 
languages.  It  may  be  added  that  the  Aramaic  por- 
tions can  easily  be  mastered  by  one  well  versed  in 
Hebrew. 

The  fairly  good  student  can  very  quickly  acquire 
enough  Hebrew  to  read  the  main  parts  of  the  Old 
Testament,  for  that  language  is  not  as  hard  as  it 
looks.  At  first  it  is  a  little  trying  to  read  backwards, 
to  recognize  the  mysterious  characters,  and  to  per- 
ceive vowels  in  the  arbitrary  marks  above  or  below  or 
on  the  line.  But  the  Hebrew  syntax  is  very  simple. 
The  student  is  not  forever  bafiBed  as  he  is  in  Greek 
or  Latin  with  the  problem  of  construction;  and  the 
vocabulary  is  quite  limited,  so  that  once  knowing  the 
meaning  of  a  few  hundred  words,  Hebrew  narrative 
may  be  read  rapidly. 


GENERAL  NOTES 


It  is  desirable  to  call  the  reader's  attention  to  some 
general  characteristics  of  the  Old  Testament  literature 
before  entering  upon  the  study  of  the  various  sections 
and  books.  The  first  point  to  emphasize  is  the  com- 
posite character  of  nearly  all  the  books  in  their  present 
form.  Nearly  every  book  shows  the  work  of  different 
hands  in  its  structure.  The  books  are  like  the  great 
cathedrals  which  were  centuries  in  building,  and 
which  reveal  not  only  the  work  of  many  different  ar- 
chitects, but  also  the  styles  of  different  periods. 

This  composite  element  is  due  to  two  causes:  the 
method  of  composition  and  the  editing.  The  latter 
may  be  disposed  of  in  a  few  words,  because  it  is  a 
literary  process  well  known  and  much  used  to-day. 
We  use  an  edition  of  Gesenius's  Hebrew  Lexicon  ed- 
ited by  Buhl.  There  are  no  marks  to  indicate  the  work 
of  a  new  hand,  and  it  is  not  necessary.  The  book 
must  be  kept  up  to  date,  and  the  editor  now  makes 
necessary  corrections  and  additions  just  as  the  author 
did  in  his  lifetime.  Many  of  our  hymns  betray  the 
hands  of  editors.  A  poem  is  written  which  it  is  con- 
ceived would  make  a  fine  hymn  by  some  slight 
changes,  usually  from  a  doctrinal  interest. 

The  same  process  appears  frequently  in  the  Old 
Testament.  If  one  studies  a  book  like  Briggs's 
** Psalms"  (in  the  Internatioftal  Critical  Comme?itary)y 
he  will  be  struck  with  the  vast  number  of  cases  in 
which  it  is  held  that  additions  have  been  made  to  the 
original  poem.  Even  though  we  cannot  accept  all  of 
Briggs's  conclusions,  he  has  given  enough  evidence 


10  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

to  prove  that  these  beautiful  religious  poems  have 
been  subjected  to  much  editorial  revision. 

Sometimes  the  editor  contents  himself  with  explan- 
atory notes.  Thus  in  the  book  of  Judges  stories  are 
told  for  a  purpose,  and  at  the  beginning  and  end  of 
the  stories  there  are  usually  a  few  notes  to  explain 
what  the  purpose  was.  Sometimes  the  editor  adds 
these  notes  to  make  a  necessary  connecting  link  be- 
tween two  different  sources  which  are  combined. 
For  example  in  Neh.  vii,  5  there  is  such  a  note.  The 
first  part  of  the  verse  is  from  Nehemiah's  memoirs, 
and  originally  it  described  an  assembly  called  by 
Nehemiah  to  procure  a  sufficient  number  of  inhabi- 
tants for  Jerusalem.^  The  editor,  however,  saw  fit 
to  annex  directly  a  list  of  the  people  who  had  come 
up  from  the  exile,  and  he  joins  the  two  quite  unre- 
lated parts  by  this  explanatory  note:  "And  I  found  the 
books  of  the  genealogy  of  them  that  came  up  at  the 
first,  and  I  found  written  therein." 

In  other  cases  the  editor  has  been  obliged  to  modify 
the  material  which  he  has  found  in  his  sources  to 
make  it  better  fit  the  purpose  he  has  in  hand.  A 
good  illustration  is  found  in  Ezr.  iii.  The  chronicler 
who  compiled  these  books^  used  as  a  working  hypoth- 
esis a  theory  found  in  one  of  his  Aramaic  sources  that 
the  returned  pilgrims  had  begun  the  rebuilding  of  the 
temple  under  the  lead  of  Sheshbazzar  and  in  the  time 


^  A  careful  study  of  Neh.  vii,  4,  makes  this  plain. 
'  See  further  under  "  Chronicles-Ezra-Nehemiah." 


GENERAL  NOTES  11 

of  Cyrus,  about  536  b.c.  Now  Ezra  iii  describes, 
among  other  things,  at  least  in  its  original  form,  the 
actual  building  and  dedication  of  the  temple  under 
the  leadership  of  Zerubbabel  and  in  the  time  of  Da- 
rius, fifteen  years  later  (521  b.c).  The  chronicler 
therefore  must  modify  this  material,  or  his  hypothe- 
sis will  not  stand.  Therefore  he  apparently  ignores 
the  change  of  leadership  and  edits  his  material  until, 
in  a  very  confused  fashion,  it  seems  to  say  that  only 
the  foundations  of  the  temple  were  laid.*  Without 
going  into  the  matter  further,  we  may  assert  that  the 
editor's  work  is  apparent  in  multitudes  of  places,  and 
that  the  original  material  has  been  changed  very 
greatly  as  a  result.  These  editors  sought  to  interpret 
the  material  they  presented,  the  proper  business  of  an 
editor,  and  the  critical  student  must  watch  for  these 
editorial  notes  and  test  their  interpretative  value. 

I  have  intimated  already  something  about  the 
process  of  compilation,  a  feature  discoverable  in  the 
great  majority  of  the  books  of  the  Old  Testament  as 
well  as  in  some  of  those  in  the  New  Testament.* 
There  were  numerous  methods  employed  by  the  com- 
pilers, but  we  need  here  consider  only  three: — 

I.  The  editor  collects  material  of  a  common  type 
or  on  a  common  theme  and  makes  it  into  what  has 
come  down  to  us  as  an  Old  Testament  book.     Thus 


^  The  demonstration  may  be  found  in  "  Ezra-Nehemiah  "  (in 
International  Critical  Co7nmentary) . 
*  Note  particularly  the  Synoptic  Gospels. 


12  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

the  book  of  Proverbs  consists  of  eight  parts,  and  in 
most  of  the  separate  parts  we  find  a  collection  of 
gnomic  sayings  which  it  must  have  taken  a  collector 
a  long  time  to  gather.  The  same  method  has  been 
employed  in  the  Psalter.  There  is  the  religious 
poetry  of  several  centuries.  Probably  the  editor  of 
the  book  never  wrote  a  poem  in  his  life;  but  he  has 
carefully  compiled  the  works  of  others  and  so  has  pre- 
served this  matchless  treasury  of  religious  poetry. 
Most  of  the  prophetic  books  reveal  the  same  method. 
In  the  great  book  of  Isaiah  only  a  small  proportion  of 
the  whole  is  from  the  pen  of  Isaiah,  the  son  of  Amoz. 
A  compiler  sought  to  make  a  great  collection  of  the 
finest  prophetic  material.  He  chose  the  finest  pieces 
irrespective  of  age  or  authorship,  for  the  book  dis- 
closes several  hands  and  covers  at  least  three  centu- 
ries. As  the  writings  of  Isaiah  stood  at  the  beginning 
the  book  was  called  by  his  name,  just  as  a  volume  of 
sermons  or  essays  may  be  named  from  the  title  of  the 
first  piece  in  the  book.'  The  editor  knew  nothing  of 
devices,  which  the  literary  ethics  of  our  days  would 
demand,  by  which  to  show  the  authors  of  the  various 
parts.  He  was  not  concerned  with  issuing  a  new 
edition  of  the  complete  works  of  any  author,  but  with 
the  preservation  of  the  greatest  utterances  of  the  men 
raised  up  of  God  to  carry  a  divine  message  to  men. 
2.  Another  method  of  compiling  books  was  to 
insert  long  sections  from  preexisting  sources  and  to 


e.g.,  Brooks's  Candle  of  the  Lord. 


GENERAL  NOTES  13 

supplement  these  with  original  additions.  A  good 
example  is  the  book  of  Chronicles,  where  we  have  a 
control;  for  Chronicles  is  parallel  with  earlier  historic 
books,  especially  Samuel  and  Kings,  and  contains 
many  passages  taken  bodily  from  these  books/  Like 
a  good  editor  the  author  has  often  retouched  this 
material  to  make  it  harmonize  better  with  his  own 
purpose,  or  with  the  ideas  of  his  times.'  There  is  a 
large  amount  of  other  material  which  is  supposed  to 
come  from  his  own  pen.  It  would  appear  that  he  used 
the  earlier  sources  wherever  they  suited  his  purpose, 
and  composed  when  his  views  of  the  history  differed 
from  that  of  his  sources. 

3.  The  third  method  is  that  in  which  the  editor 
effaces  himself,  contenting  himself  with  compiling 
sources  to  suit  his  purpose.  The  editor  has  certain 
documents  before  him.  He  does  not  follow  the  mod- 
ern methods  of  studying  and  digesting  and  then  writ- 
ing in  his  own  way.  He  chooses  passages  from  one 
source  and  another,  placing  them  in  sequence  or 
weaving  them  together  most  intricately  as  may  best 
serve  his  end.  Let  us  suppose  he  is  writing  an  ac- 
count of  a  battle.     He  has  before  him  three  original 


^  More  definite  information  on  this  point  will  be  found  under 
*'  Chronicles-Ezra-Nehemiah." 

■'A  good  illustration  of  this  appears  in  the  substitution  of  Sa- 
tan for  Jahveh  (i  Chr.xxi  i  ;  cf.  2  Sam.  xxiv,  i).  In  the  chron- 
icler's time  the  behef  that  Jahveh  deliberately  led  David  into 
trouble  was  intolerable.  He  avoids  the  difficulty  by  ascribing 
the  act  to  Satan. 


14  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

accounts — A,  B,  and  C.  He  wants  to  reduce  the  three 
to  one.  He  chooses  a  long  passage  from  B,  a  short 
one  from  A,  and  a  long  one  from  C.  Then  he  may 
take  mere  sentences  from  B  and  a  longer  excerpt  from 
A,  and  so  on  until  the  story  is  complete.  The  result 
must  inevitably  be  on  the  one  hand  that  his  finished 
work  shows  duplication,  variety  of  style,  etc.,  and  on 
the  other  hand  it  is  certain  that  he  will  not  introduce 
all  of  his  original  sources,  and  so  there  results  the 
loss  of  priceless  material.  We  could  hardly  bear  our 
realiaztion  of  the  loss  of  great  sections  of  *J'  (one  of 
the  sources  in  the  Pentateuch),  but  for  the  feeling 
that  but  for  the  compilation  which  has  preserved  a 
part,  the  whole  might  possibly  have  been  lost. 
Further  illustration  of  this  method  will  appear  in  the 
study  of  the  Pentateuch. 

To  understand  the  writings  of  any  people  we  must 
know  something  of  their  fundamental  ideas.  There 
is  an  immense  amount  of  misunderstanding  of  the  Old 
Testament  because  an  Occidental  people  approach  an 
Oriental  book  holding  tenaciously  to  their  own  con- 
ceptions. We  could  not  sympathetically  comprehend 
insistence  upon  prayer  to  the  Virgin  Mary  in  a  Ro- 
man Catholic  book  without  knowing  the  Roman 
teaching  about  praying  to  the  saints.  Before  turn- 
ing to  the  various  books  of  the  Old  Testament,  there- 
fore, it  is  expedient  to  consider  some  of  these  funda- 
mental ideas  which  lie  behind  so  much  of  this  sacred 
literature. 


GENERAL  NOTES  15 

And  yet  the  most  vital  thought  may  be  stated 
simply,  though  it  will  be  found  in  many  ramifications. 
The  Hebrews  believed  that  God's  hand  was  manifest 
everywhere.  All  known  phenomena  were  divided 
into  two  classes, —  those  within  and  those  without 
human  comprehension ;  those  within  and  those  with- 
out known  human  power;  and  all  phenomena  beyond 
human  comprehension  and  power  were  regarded  as  the 
direct  work  of  God.  A  man  could  make  a  wagon, 
and  in  the  wagon  the  hand  of  God  is  not  seen ;  but  a 
man  could  not  make  a  blade  of  grass  to  grow,  and 
that  is  the  direct  act  of  God.  A  man  may  kill  his 
neighbor,  and  the  hand  of  God  is  not  seen  in  murder; 
but  a  man  cannot  bring  a  plague  (speaking  from  the 
ancient  point  of  view:  we  know  better  now),  and  that 
was  always  the  direct  act  of  God. 

To  the  Hebrew  mind  the  distinction  between  the 
natural  and  the  supernatural  was  pretty  ill-defined. 
The  Hebrew  made  little  use  of  such  divisions,  and  we 
should  better  comprehend  the  wonderful  religious 
treasures  left  by  these  people,  if  we  approached  the 
study  with  the  distinction  quite  obliterated.  The  fact 
is  that  the  emphasizing  of  that  distinction  has  been 
inimical  to  a  sound  theology  and  it  has  worked  havoc 
in  the  interpretation  of  the  Bible. 

The  ancient  Hebrew  had  a  high  degree  of  imagina- 
tion, but  he  was  deficient  in  critical  reasoning  powers. 
His  mental  state  was  good  for  the  development  of  a 
fine  religious  spirit,  but  poor  for  the  construction  of 
dogmatic  theology.       He  believed    firmly  that  with 


16  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

God  nothing  is  impossible,  and  he  attributed  naturally 
everything  to  God  that  transcended  human  knowl- 
edge or  human  experience. 

To  illustrate  this  far-reaching  principle,  let  us  take 
first  the  dream.  While  awake  a  man  can  control  and 
in  the  main  account  for  his  thoughts.  But  while 
asleep  he  has  no  such  power;  therefore  the  dream  is 
a  direct  creation  of  God's,  and  has  the  purpose  of 
revelation.  But  there  is  a  mystery  in  a  dream,  as  we 
are  really  beginning  to  learn  to-day,  and  to  find  out 
its  meaning  requires  a  skill  beyond  that  possessed  by 
ordinary  man;  therefore  the  men  of  God,  like  Joseph 
and  Daniel,  are  skilful  in  the  interpretation  of  dreams. 
God  may  give  His  revelations  by  dreams  to  others 
than  Hebrews,  and  so  Joseph  says  to  Pharoah,  "what 
God  is  about  to  do  he  hath  declared  unto  Pharoah" 
(Gen.  xli,  25).  Daniel  shows  the  larger  view  when  he 
says  to  Nebuchadnezzar,  ''there  is  a  God  in  heaven 
that  revealeth  secrets  and  he  hath  made  known  to  the 
king  what  shall  be  in  the  latter  days"  (Dan.  ii,  28). 

A  man  may  know  what  has  already  taken  place  or 
what  takes  place  within  the  range  of  his  observation, 
and  God's  aid  is  not  seen  in  that;  but  some  men  were 
able  to  tell  what  would  take  place  to-morrow,  or  what 
had  occurred  beyond  their  field  of  vision,  and  God's 
part  was  indispensable  here.  Some  men  were  able  to 
do  things  impossible  to  others,  like  turning  a  rod  into 
a  serpent,  bringing  a  storm  in  the  dry  season,  making 
the  sacrifice  to  catch  fire,  turning  the  shadow  back  on 
the  step-clock.     God's  aid  was  vital  and  the  men  who 


GENERAL  NOTES  17 

could  do  such  things  were  prophets,  men  whose  life  in 
all  ways  was  controlled  of  God,  so  that  when  a  prophet 
spoke  it  was  because  God  directed  him  to  speak  (e.g. 
Am.  vii.  15),  and  what  he  said  he  was  directed  of  God 
to  say,  so  that  it  was  inevitable  that  he  should  prefix 
**thus  saith  Jahveh"  to  his  prophecies. 

The  people  understood  the  ordinary  conditions  of 
childbirth,  and  children  born  under  those  conditions 
are  just  ordinary  children.  But  it  occasionally  hap- 
pens in  all  ages  that  children  are  born  under  peculiar 
conditions.  Women  supposed  to  be  barren  like  Han- 
nah, or  that  have  entered  the  involution  period,  never- 
theless bear  sons.^  The  conception  is  due  to  a  direct 
divine  act,  and  the  child  takes  on  more  or  less  of  a 
divine  character;  thus  we  have  such  men  of  God  as 
Samson,  Samuel,  and  John  Baptist.^  All  such  cases 
were  evidences  of  God's  ability  and  readiness  to  make 
good  all  sorts  of  human  defects. 

Again  we  see  the  principle  illustrated  in  war.  The 
Hebrews  knew  the  uncertainty  of  the  issue  of  battles. 
There  was  no  use  trying  to  understand  defeat  and 
victory.  Indeed  we  often  explain  now  with  but  a  par- 
tial understanding.  The  Hebrew  had  a  great  faith 
and  it  enabled  him  to  formulate  a  simple  principle. 
Whenever  the  army  of  Israel  conquered  it  was  due 
to  the   presence  and  aid  of  Jehovah;    whenever  the 


^  I  recall  no  case  of  a  daughter  born  under  such  circumstances. 

^  Isaac  was  born  under  similar  conditions,  but  the  divine  pur- 
pose was  not  realized  in  his  life.  It  sufficed  in  his  case  that 
Abraham  should  have  an  heir. 


18  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

troops  were  defeated,  the  failure  was  due  to  the  with- 
drawal of  the  divine  favor.  Thus  an  army  attacked 
Ai  and  was  repulsed.  The  cause  was  ascertained  to 
be  the  sin  of  Achan.  The  culprit  was  punished;  an- 
other army  assailed  the  city  and  it  fell;  for  God's 
anger  was  removed  and  His  assistance  turned  defeat 
into  victory  (Josh,  vii,  ff.).  The  Hebrew  historian 
faithfully  records  the  difference  between  the  two  as- 
saults,—  in  the  one  with  a  small  force  of  over-confi- 
dent soldiers,  making  an  open  frontal  attack,  and  de- 
feated with  only  the  loss  of  thirty  men;  in  the  other 
with  a  large  force  and  with  clever  military  strategy, — 
but  he  cares  for  none  of  these  things,  because  he  is 
loyal  to  his  fundamental  principle  that  battles  are 
won  or  lost  as  God  is  favorably  or  unfavorably  dis- 
posed towards  his  people. 

Little  need  be  said  about  the  manifestation  of  God 
in  natural  phenomena.  He  makes  the  grass  to  grow 
and  the  flowers  to  bloom,  sends  the  bountiful  har- 
vest or  the  mildew;  He  causes  rain  in  the  seeding 
time,  or  parches  the  soil  with  drought;  He  makes 
the  sun  to  shine  and  the  stars  to  sparkle;  He  sends 
the  fair  day  and  the  storm ;  He  feeds  the  wild  ani- 
mals in  the  forest,  the  birds  in  the  air  and  the  fishes 
in  the  sea,  and  orders  the  conditions  under  which 
they  live.  Naturally  the  earth  and  all  things  above 
it,  on  it,  and  in  it,  were  God's  handiwork.  The  He- 
brew could  turn  anywhere  at  any  time  and  always  see 
the  unquestioned  witness  of  the  being  and  activity 
of  his  God. 

A  recollection  of  these  theological  ideas  is  indis- 
pensable to  the  student  of  the  Hebrew  literature. 


II. 

THE  PENTATEUCH 

THE  first  five  books  of  the  Old  Testament  are 
called  in  the  Hebrew  canon  the  Torak,  which 
means  the  law,  though  they  contain  much  material 
that  is  not  of  a  legal  character.  But  the  law  became 
the  authoritative  guide  in  Jewish  life,  and  the  group 
of  books  containing  the  legal  codes  were  accorded 
first  place  in  the  canon.  These  books  were  the  first 
to  obtain  what  we  know  as  canonical  authority,  in 
spite  of  the  fact  that  many  other  Old  Testament 
writings  were  earlier.  The  Torak  was  the  only  part 
of  the  Hebrew  Bible  that  was  ever  accepted  by  the 
Samaritans. 

These  books  contain  three  kinds  of  material,  look- 
ing  at  them  from  the  literary  point  of  view, — narrative, 
legal,  and  poetical.  The  poems  are  incidental,  being 
scattered,  as  they  are  in  other  narrative  books.  Dis- 
regarding this  element  for  the  time,  we  note  that 
Genesis  is  wholly  narrative,  Leviticus  and  Deuteron- 
omy are  legal ;  the  former  wholly  so,  the  latter  practi- 
cally a  legal  book,  while  Exodus  and  Numbers  are 
composed  of  both  law  and  story.  It  is  advisable  to 
consider  these  three  elements  in  a  general  way  :— 

I.  The  Narrative  portions. — There  is  a  notable  dif- 
ference between  Genesis  on  the  one  hand  and  Exo- 
dus  and  Numbers  on  the  other.     The  story  in  the 


20  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


former  is  concerned  with  individuals,  while  the  latter 
deals  with  the  history  of  the  twelve  tribes.  The 
former  covers  a  very  long  space  of  time,  while  the 
latter  includes  only  a  single  generation,  or  strictly  the 
lifetime  of  an  individual, — Exodus  beginning  with  the 
birth  of  Moses  and  Deuteronomy  ending  with  his 
death.  In  all  this  story  Moses  is  the  central  figure, 
and  from  one  point  of  view  we  might  call  the  whole 
narrative  a  life  of  Moses,  as  Genesis  is  mainly  the 
lives  of  the  patriarchs. 

2.  The  Poetical  portions. — These  consist  mainly  of 
three  long  poems,  closely  connected  with  the  story  in 
which  they  are  imbedded :  the  Blessing  of  Jacob  (Gen. 
xlix,  2-27),  the  Song  of  Moses  (Deut.  xxxii,  1-43),  and 
the  Blessing  of  Moses  (ib.  xxxiii).  The  first  and  third 
are  similar  in  that  the  tribes  of  Israel  are  named  sepa- 
rately. There  is  besides  a  number  of  smaller  poems, 
the  Sword-Song  of  Lamech  (Gen.  iv,  23  f.),  Noah's 
Curse  of  Canaan  (ib.  ix,  25  ff.),  the  Blessings  of  Isaac, 
on  Jacob  (ib.  xxvii,  27  ff.),  on  Esau  (ib.  xxvii,  39  f.), 
the  Song  of  the  Sea  (Ex.  xv,  1-18),  the  Song  of  the 
Arnon  (Num.  xxi,  14  f.),  the  Song  of  the  Well  (ib. 
xxi,  17  f.),  the  Song  of  Heshbon  (ib.  xxi,  27-30),  and 
the  Oracles  of  Balaam  (Num.  xxii,  f.),  which  are  all 
in  poetry. 

3.  The  Legal  portions. —  In  the  Pentateuchal  books 
it  must  be  remembered  there  is  preserved  the  whole 
body  of  Jewish  law, — that  is,  the  law  springing  up  in 
the  course  of  the  history  of  the  people.    The  law  cer- 


THE  PENTATEUCH  21 

tainly  comes  from  various  periods,  and  doubtless  God 
chose  many  different  men  as  the  channels  of  His  com- 
munications. As  there  were  many  prophets  and 
many  wise  men  and  many  poets,  so  there  must  have 
been  many  lawgivers,  even  though  Moses  was  unques- 
tionably the  first  and  greatest. 

On  the  problem  of  the  origin  of  Jewish  law  there  is 
first  the  late  tradition  that  the  whole  series  of  codes 
was  given  directly  to  Moses.  This  tradition,  how- 
ever, will  not  stand  the  test  of  criticism,  and  we  are 
forced  to  search  further.  There  are  some  bits  of  in- 
formation which  do  seem  to  throw  some  light  upon 
the  problem.  One  is  in  the  story  of  the  visit  of  Jethro 
to  Moses,  his  son-in-law  (Ex.  xviii).  Jethro  saw  that 
Moses  alone  was  acting  a*s  judge,  and  that  the  people 
with  cases  to  be  adjudicated  were  so  many  that  they 
were  kept  waiting  all  day.  He  therefore  advised 
Moses  to  appoint  suitable  deputies  to  hear  the  pleas 
of  the  people,  Moses  himself  being  chief  judge,  and 
his  plan  was  put  into  execution. 

The  decisions  of  a  judge  have  the  effect  of  laws, 
and  laws  of  the  most  binding  character.  A  decision 
of  the  Supreme  Court  has  a  much  greater  authority 
than  an  act  of  Congress;  for  the  decision  of  that  court 
may  set  aside  an  act  of  Congress,  but  no  act  of  Con- 
gress can  remove  a  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court. 
The  decisions  of  Moses  and  of  the  judges  designated 
by  him  would  at  once  have  the  effect  of  law,  and  as 
Moses  was  the  supreme  judge  of  the  Israelitish  tribes 


22  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

for  SO  many  years  at  the  beginning  of  their  history,  it 
follows  that  Hebrew  law  owes  more  to  him  than  to 
any  other  man. 

There  is  a  similar  instance  in  the  life  of  David. 
Two  hundred  of  his  men  were  exhausted  in  the  pur- 
suit of  the  Amalekites  and  had  to  be  left  behind. 
When  David  returned  from  the  successful  battle,  the 
four  hundred  who  had  "borne  the  burden  and  heat  of 
the  day"  insisted  that  only  those  who  had  reached 
the  front  should  share  in  the  captured  goods.  David's 
decision  was:  *'as  his  share  is  that  was  going  down  to 
the  battle,  so  shall  his  share  be  that  was  abiding  by 
the  baggage :  they  shall  share  alike. ' '  To  this  is  added 
the  specific  statement:  ''and  it  was  from  that  day  for- 
ward, and  he  ordered  it  for  a  statute  and  an  ordinance 
to  Israel  unto  this  day"  (i  Sam.  xxx,  24  f.).  Other 
indications  of  laws  coming  from  decisions  may  be 
seen  in  Num.  ix,  8;  xv,  34;  xxvii,  5.^ 

The  conclusion  that  in  these  incidents  we  find  the 
key  to  the  origin  of  the  Jewish  law  is  not  inconsis- 
tent with  the  Divine  character  of  that  law  unless  we 
hold  as  a  fundamental  principle  that  God  does  not  act 
through  men.  If  he  spoke  by  Moses,  he  spoke  by 
David  and  by  other  judges  too. 

The  whole  body  of  Jewish  law,  though  coming  from 
many  ages,  may  be  conveniently  divided  into  three 
codes  :— 


^This  material  has  already  been  used  in  my  Old  Testament 
from  the  Modern  Point  of  VieWy  p.  151  f.  The  fact  that  that 
book  is  out  of  print  justifies  the  repetition. 


THE  PENTA  TEUCH  23 

1.  The  Code  of  the  Covenant  is  the  briefest,  the 
simplest  and  the  earliest. — This  is  found  in  Ex.  xx, 
23-xxiii,  33.  The  section  is  called  **the  book  of  the 
covenant"  (ib.  xxiv,  7),  because  the  people  covenanted 
to  observe  these  laws.  With  this  body  of  laws  belongs 
the  very  similar  * 'little  book  of  the  covenant"  (Ex. 
xxxiv,  11-26).  This  code  is  embodied  in  the  narrative 
of  the  Elohist,  and  is  certainly  not  later  than  the 
ninth  century  B.C.  It  is  generally  held  that  the  El- 
ohist found  the  code  already  in  written  form,  so  that 
this  body  of  laws  may  be  much  earlier.  The  laws  all 
show  their  appropriateness  to  a  simple  form  of  life. 
Yet  they  do  not  go  back  to  the  nomadic  stage  of  He- 
brew history,  for  they  show  that  the  people  lived  a 
settled  life,  apparently  the  chief  industry  being  agri- 
culture. Some  of  the  laws  certainly  imply  the  agri- 
cultural stage  (see  Ex.  xxii,  5  f.,  29;  xxiii,  10  f.,  16). 

2.  The  Deiiteronomic  Code. — This  body  of  law  is 
found  in  Deut.  xii-xxvi,  the  earlier  chapters  being  in- 
troductory. It  is  possible  to  determine  very  accurately 
the  date  of  this  code,  as  its  appearance  is  clearly  found 
in  the  reign  of  King  Josiah  (638-608  B.C. ;  see  below 
on  Deuteronomy).  The  laws  in  this  book  deal  with 
the  same  subjects  covered  by  the  Code  of  the  Covenant 
(see  the  table  in  Driver's  "Deut.,"  /;//.  Crit.  Comm., 
p.  iv  ff.).  A  comparative  study  of  the  laws  that  are 
parallel  shows  that  those  in  Deuteronomy  are  much 
elaborated  and  belong  to  a  far  more  advanced  stage  of 
civilization.     It  is  perfectly  possible  that  the  ultimate 


24  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

source  of  many  of  them  is  the  decisions  of  Moses, 
and  so  there  may  be  some  basis  for  connecting  his 
name  with  a  book  appearing  several  centuries  after 
his  death. 

3.  The  Priest  Code. — These  laws  undoubtedly  rep- 
resent the  collected  judgments  of  the  priests.  The 
priests  were  in  all  ages  accorded  certain  judicial  func- 
tions, and  the  regulation  of  religious  rites  was  nat- 
urally their  particular  field.  This  is  the  most  exten- 
sive of  the  codes,  covering  considerable  sections  of 
Exodus,  all  of  Leviticus,  and  part  of  Numbers.  In 
this  body  of  law  there  are  enactments  regulating  the 
social  and  commercial  life  of  the  people,  and  so  it  is 
in  part  parallel  to  the  other  codes.  But  the  main  sub- 
jects covered  deal  with  the  ecclesiastical  institutions. 
Futher  details  of  those  laws  will  appear  in  connec- 
tion with  our  review  of  the  various  books. 

The  date  of  the  appearance  of  this  law  is  still  a 
debated  question.  All  scholars  have  abandoned  any 
connection  with  Moses,  but  certain  writers  seem  to 
think  it  vital  that  this  writing  shall  be  assigned  to 
the  pre-exilic  period.  One  might  think  from  the 
importance  attached  to  this  date  that  God  had  no  con- 
cern with  the  Jewish  Church  in  the  post-exilic  period. 

The  question  must,  however,  be  settled  by  evidence, 
not  by  prejudice,  and  it  seems  clear  that  those  who 
contend  for  a  post-exilic  date  have  the  preponderance 
of  substantial  evidence.  To  go  into  the  matter  fully 
does  not  concern  us  here;  yet  a  few  arguments  may 


THE  PENTATEUCH  25 

be  stated.  Deuteronomy  is  certainly  earlier,  and  as 
that  book  appeared  only  forty  years  before  the  exile, 
there  does  not  seem  to  be  room  enough  to  crowd  in  a 
new  and  elaborate  code,  especially  in  those  days  of 
distress  when  the  nation  was  declining  so  rapidly. 
Ezekiel  wrote  a  code  of  laws  to  be  the  programme  of 
the  restored  nation  (cc.  xl-xlviii).  His  code  is  simpler 
and  apparently  earlier  than  the  priest  code,  and  as  he 
was  a  prophet  to  the  exiles,  the  latter  must  be  post-ex- 
ilic. It  is  inconceivable  that  a  loyal  priest  of  the  Jew- 
ish Church  like  Ezekiel  would  have  written  a  new  code 
if  there  were  one  already  in  existence  which  would 
serve  his  purpose  admirably.  In  the  restoration  pe- 
riod, Nehemiah  instituted  a  number  of  reforms  on  the 
basis  of  law,  and  the  laws  which  he  enforces  are  in 
Deuteronomy,  not  in  P.  Then  we  have  an  account  of 
the  introduction  of  a  new  law  in  the  post-exilic  period 
(Neh.  viii,  1-12),  a  law  quite  unknown  to  any  of  the 
people,  not  even  to  the  Levites  and  other  leaders. 
That  incident  makes  a  good  setting  for  the  introduc- 
tion of  the  priest  code. 

That  the  Pentateuch  is  not  the  work  of  a  single 
writer  has  long  been  recognized.  The  analysis  of 
these  books  which  used  to  be  the  critical  battle- 
ground has  been  accepted  by  all  students.  Indeed  it 
is  quite  impossible  to  weigh  the  evidence  dispassion- 
ately and  reach  any  other  conclusion.  It  would  be 
difficult  to  guess  at  the  number  of  sources  which 
enter  into  the  composition  of  the  Pentateuch,  but  for 


26  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

all  practical  purposes  it  is  only  necessary  to  consider 
four.  It  is  true  that  those  same  sources  are  found  in 
other  books, —  assuredly  in  Joshua,  and  probably,  as 
many  writers  contend,  in  Samuel  and  Kings.  In 
their  chronological  order  these  sources  require  brief 
discussion: — 

I .  The  Jahwistic  writer^  denoted  by  the  symbol 
J.— The  evidence  indicates  that  J  belonged  to  the 
kingdom  of  Judah,  making  the  symbol  doubly  appro- 
priate, and  that  his  date  was  the  ninth  century  B.C. 
It  would  appear  that  he  wrote  a  history  of  his  people 
from  the  Creation  down  to  approximately  his  own  day, 
though  only  parts  of  the  original  have  been  used  by 
the  compilers  of  the  various  books. 

This  writer  regularly  uses  the  divine  name  Jahveh. 
That  fact  is  evidence  that  he  belonged  to  a  school  or 
party,  for  undoubtedly  there  was  a  great  deal  of  dis- 
pute as  to  whether  Jahveh  or  Elohim  was  the  proper 
title  for  God.  The  Elohists  won  out  in  the  end,  and 
the  time  came  when  no  orthodox  Jew  would  use  the 
name  Jahveh,  and  so  the  proper  pronunciation  of  the 
name  was  lost.'^ 

The  J  document  reveals  numerous  characteristics 


'I  have  adhered  to  the  conventional  iorm  Jahveh,  though  it  is 
now  pretty  certain  that  that  spelling  is  only  approximately  cor- 
rect. The  evidence  from  the  Elephantine  papyri  ought  to  clear 
the  matter  up.  Yet  authorities  differ.  Sachau  confidendy  gives 
the  form  Jaho,  while  Arnold  as  positively  contends  iorjahu. 
The  former  is  best  supported  by  Hebrew  proper  names,  in  which 
Jeho  is  a  common  element ;  \)Mi  Jehu  never  occurs. 


THE  PENTA  TEUCH  27 

which  as  a  rule  make  its  identification  certain.  One 
of  the  most  striking  characteristics,  apart  from  the 
use  of  Jahvehy  is  the  anthropomorphic  conception  of 
God.  It  is  in  this  source  that  we  find  numerous  the- 
ophanies, — Jahveh  walking  upon  the  earth  and  holding 
direct  converse  with  men.  The  story  of  the  visit  to 
Adam  is  a  good  illustration  (Gen.  iii,  8ff.).  J  is  unsur- 
passed as  a  story-teller.  His  narrative  is  vivid  and 
picturesque.  He  belongs  to  the  prophetic  school,  as 
his  object  is  always  religious  teaching.  He  scarcely 
tells  a  story  except  with  a  religious  motive. 

2.  The  Elohistic  writer,  denoted  by  the  symbol  E. — 
This  writer  uses  Elohim  as  the  proper  title  for  God. 
In  his  work  the  divine  revelation  comes  to  man  rather 
by  dreams  and  by  prophets  than  by  direct  speech. 
He  is  quite  as  much';^a  writer  of  the  prophetic  school 
as  J.  On  account  of  the  similarity  of  the  point  of 
view  it  is  often  quite  impossible  to  distinguish  be- 
tween these  two.  His  document  as  it  has  come  down 
to  us  does  not  go  into  the  pre-patriarchal  history,  but 
begins  with  Abraham.  His  interest  was  merely  in 
the  history  of  his  own  people.  It  is  generaly  agreed 
that  he  was  a  native  of  the  Northern  Kingdom,  and 
that  his  date  is  the  same  as  that  of  J,  or  possibly  a 
little  later. 

3.  The  Deuteronomic  writer,  known  by  the  symbol 
D.— From  this  source  we  have  the  book  of  Deuteron- 
omy, but  nothing  else  in  the  Pentateuch,  though  there 
is  much  from  D  or  his  school  in  the  later  books.    The 


28  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

Study  of  this  book  in  its  proper  place  will  show  the 
characteristics  of  this  source. 

4.  The  Priestly  writer^  designated  P. — From  this 
source  comes  all  of  the  priestly  law,  referred  to  above, 
a  considerable  body  of  narrative,  and  a  large  amount 
of  genealogical  data.  The  systematic  character  of 
this  writer  is  shown  from  the  fact  that  he  invariably  ^ 
uses  the  term  Elohim  until  he  reaches  the  story  of  the 
revelation  of  the  name  Jahveh  in  Ex.vi,  2.  He  shows 
the  same  regard  for  system  and  order  in  all  of  his 
work.  He  is  fond  of  chronology,  and  so  puts  in  dates 
where  they  do  not  occur  in  other  sources.  He  is  in- 
clined towards  a  trancendental  theology,  knowing 
neither  angels  nor  dreams  nor  theophanies.  This 
writer  always  speaks  from  a  priestly  point  of  view; 
he  uses  many  peculiar  expressions,  and  his  work  is 
therefore  easily  recognized. 

The  compiler  of  the  Pentateuch  wrote  practically 
nothing  himself.  His  method  was  to  choose  and 
combine  from  his  sources,  using  such  parts  as  best 
served  his  purpose.  Sometimes  he  takes  long  pas- 
sages from  one  of  his  sources,  and  at  other  times  he 
weaves  the  two  sources  into  a  single  narrative,  often 
to  the  great  bewilderment  of  the  modern  reader. 
Thus  in  the  beginning  he  quotes  the  story  of  the 


3 The  two  exceptions  (Gen.  xvii,  i;xxi,  i)  are  doubtless  textual 
errors.  A  writer  like  P  would  hardly  blunder  with  this  simple 
system. 


THE  PENTATEUCH  29 

Creation  from  each  of  two  sources,  putting  one  right 
after  the  other  in  its  entirety:  P,  Gen.  i,  i-ii,  ^a\  J, 
ii,  4^-25.  But  in  the  account  of  the  flood,  J  and  P 
are  woven  together  so  closely  that  considerable  inge- 
unity  is  required  to  separate  them,  and  the  story  is 
rather  hard  to  read  as  it  stands. 

The  motive  of  this  compilation  is  easy  to  conjec- 
ture. It  seems  highly  probable  that  it  was  done  to 
avoid  conflicts  of  authority.  There  were  at  least  two 
parallel  histories  of  the  same  period,  for  J  and  E  had 
already  been  combined  into  one.  At  many  points 
these  histories  differed,  and  so  their  authority  was 
lessened.  The  compiler  essayed  to  relieve  this  dif- 
ficulty, and  his  success  was  greater  than  at  first  sight 
appears,  for  it  was  many  centuries  before  the  discovery 
of  the  absolute  lack  of  unity  in  the  Pentateuch. 

The  date  of  the  compilation  is  not  easily  determin- 
able. If  the  contention  is  correct  that  Ezra  intro- 
duced the  priestly  law,  then  the  Pentateuch  would 
have  arisen  at  the  earliest  in  the  fourth  century  b.c. 
Whatever  may  be  its  date  and  whoever  may  have  been 
its  compiler,  the  world  is  fortunate  in  the  preserva- 
tion of  this  rich  body  of  religious  literature.  When 
we  think  of  the  tragedy  it  would  have  been  had  the 
writer  really  written  a  new  book  and  his  sources  been 
lost,  we  are  profoundly  grateful  for  his  somewhat 
mechanical  method.  However  much  he  may  have 
spoiled  by  alteration  or  sacrificed  by  omission,  there 
is  a  large  amount  of  these  priceless  treasures  which 
have  been  saved  by  his  scheme. 


30  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

Genesis 

This  book  divides  naturally  into  parts  cc.  i-xi, 
called  sometimes  the  book  of  origins,  and  cc.  xii-1 
the  stories  of  the  patriarchs, — Abraham,  Isaac  and 
Jacob. 

The  first  subject  is  the  origin  of  the  world  and  that 
which  is  upon  it.  Here  we  have  the  duplicate  stories 
of  Creation,  i,i-ii,  4^  (P);  ii,  4^-25  (J).  The  great 
difference  between  these  two  sources  is  strikingly 
brought  out  in  these  accounts.  In  P  we  have  a 
logical,  systematic  and  complete  story,  with  a  definite 
scheme  of  time,  and  with  the  origin  of  the  Sabbath 
as  a  prominent  feature,  really  the  objective  of  the 
story.  God  accomplishes  everything  by  a  command, 
and  everything  that  he  made  was  good.  In  J  the 
existence  of  the  earth  is  assumed,  but  it  is  barren  for 
lack  of  rain,  and  accordingly  the  first  provision  is 
for  water.  Man  is  the  first  created  object,  not  the 
last  as  in  P,  and  he  is  made  literally  by  the  hands  of 
God.  Then  vegetation  appears,  being  created  for  the 
good  of  man.  The  animal  world  follows  as  a  first  at- 
tempt to  guard  against  the  loneliness  of  the  individ- 
ual man,  and  when  this  fails  of  its  object,  a  woman  is 
created,  and  the  institution  of  marriage  is  made. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  P's  account,  in  its 
main  outline,  is  quite  consistent  with  the  theory  of 
evolution,  and  has  always  been  taken  as  the  Bible 
story  of  the  origin  of  the  world  to  the  complete  exclu- 
sion of  J's  account,  which  of  course  is  quite  impossible 


THE  PENTATEUCH  31 

from  an  evolutionary  point  of  view.  Both  versions 
are  as  one  in  the  vital  point,  that  all  created  things  are 
the  result  of  God's  activity. 

The  origin  of  sin  is  the  subject  of  cc.  iii  f.,  all  from 
J.  Stress  is  laid  upon  the  idea  that  in  its  inception 
sin  comes  from  a  source  external  to  man.  In  the 
second  outbreak,  though,  the  source  is  internal.  No 
serpent  tempts  Cain  to  lift  his  hand  against  his 
brother.  By  the  sin  of  the  first  pair  the  whole  human 
race  became  infected,  not  by  implication  but  in  fact. 
Emphasis  is  laid  upon  the  immediate  divine  punish- 
ment of  sin, — Adam  and  Eve  are  banished  from  Eden, 
and  Cain  is  sent  out  to  wander  upon  the  face  of  the 
earth.  The  existence  of  other  peoples,  not  accounted 
for  in  the  story,  is  implied  in  that  Cain  fears  he  may 
be  killed  (iv,  14),  and  in  that  Enoch  built  a  city  (iv,  17), 
which  he  could  hardly  do  with  his  own  hands. 

There  is  one  of  P's  characteristic  genealogical 
tables  in  c.  v.  The  line  is  traced  from  Adam  to 
Noah,  and  the  years  lived  by  each  are  given.  The 
great  ages  of  the  antediluvian  patriarchs  was  once  a 
pretty  serious  problem.  In  this  day  we  are  happily 
not  disturbed  by  such  things.  The  length  of  man's 
days  have  not  shortened ;  the  figures  are  wrong. 

Then  we  come  to  the  story  of  the  flood  (cc.  vi-ix). 
Driver's  table  (L  O  T)  assigns  to  J  vi,  1-8;  vii,  1-5, 
7-10,  12,  16^,  17^,  22  f. ;  viii,  2b-ia^  6-12,  13/^,  20-22; 
ix,  18-27,  and  the  rest  to  P.  These  figures  are  given 
to  show  how  much  each  source  has  been  cut  up  in  the 
process  of  interweaving.     The  result  is  not  very  satis- 


32  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

factory  as  it  stands,  as  many  differences  appear. 
Thus,  the  animals  enter  the  ark  by  pairs  (vi,  20  P),  but 
by  sevens  of  the  clean  animals ;  by  pairs  of  those  that 
are  unclean  (vii,  2bi.  J).  We  note  also  the  repetition 
here  as  in  other  parts  of  the  story.  According  to  J 
the  duration  of  he  flood  was  forty  days  (vii,  4,  12,  17; 
viii,  6),  but  in  P  it  was  one  hundred  and  fifty  days  (viii, 
3).  In  both  sources  the  purpose  of  the  flood  is  the  same : 
man  had  become  so  corrupt  that  a  fresh  start  must  be 
taken,  and  so  provision  is  made  for  saving  the  one 
righteous  man  while  all  others  are  destroyed. 

A  careful  study  of  each  source  shows  that  the  com- 
piler has  used  P  as  the  basis  for  his  composite  ver- 
sion. Doubtless  it  was  more  complete  and  systematic 
than  J,  and  the  latter  is  used  for  amplification.  Still 
a  fairly  complete  account  of  the  flood  appears  in  each 
source. 

In  c.  X  there  is  from  J  only  vv.  8-19,  21,  24-30. 
The  subject  is  again  genealogical,  the  passage  being  a 
systematic  account  of  the  children  of  Noah, — first  the 
sons  of  Japheth  (vv.  25),  then  the  sons  of  Ham  (vv. 
6  f . ,  20),  and  the  sons  of  Shem  ( vv.  22  f . ,  3 1  f . ).  This  is 
all  from  P.  The  redactor  has  inserted  from  J  detailed 
accounts  of  the  nations  originating  from  the  sons  of 
Noah. 

In  c.  xi  we  have  two  subjects:  one  the  story  of  the 
tower  of  Babel  (vv.  1-9  J),  the  object  of  which  is  to 
account  for  the  diversity  of  human  speech;  and  the 
other  a  genealogical  table,  tracing  the  line  of  Shem 
down  to  Abraham,  or  Abram  as  he  is  called  at  that 


THE  PENTATEUCH  33 

period.     The  main  part  is  from  P  and  it  is  the  natural 

continuation  of  c.v,  using  exactly  the  same  scheme. 
The  second  part  of  Genesis  is  conveniently  divided 
into  four  parts : — 

I.  Abraham  (xii-xxv,  i8). — The  story  begins  with 
an  account  of  the  migration  to  Canaan,  the  destined 
home  of  the  sons  of  Abraham.  The  patriarch  was 
soon  driven  out  of  the  land  again  by  a  famine,  the 
result  of  drought,  and  ever  the  curse  of  the  Canaanite 
country.  Here  occurs  the  story  of  Abraham's  duplic- 
ity in  passing  off  his  wife  as  his  sister,  because  he 
feared  that  Sarah's  beauty  would  attract  the  Egyp- 
tians, and  he  would  be  killed  that  another  might  be 
free  to  take  her  to  wife.  When  Pharaoh  took  Sarah 
as  his  wife,  it  is  characteristic  that  the  writer  says 
**Jahveh  plagued  Pharaoh  and  his  house  with  great 
plagues  because  of  Sarai"  (xii,i7).  There  is  a  perfect 
parallel  to  this  story  of  J  in  the  E  document,  though 
the  scene  is  laid  in  another  country  (xx,  2  ff.).  P  is 
not  wont  to  put  such  unfavorable  stories  on  record,  and 
it  is  not  surprising  that  he  says  nothing  of  this  misrep- 
resentation. It  may  be  noted  here  that  there  is  a  very 
similar  story  of  Isaac's  passing  off  Rebekah  as  his 
sister  (xxvi,  7  ff.  J). 

Then  follows  the  story  of  the  separation  of  Lot,  the 
nephew  of  Abraham,  who  had  come  with  him  into 
Canaan  (c.  xiii,  mostly  from  J).  The  point  is  that  the 
Israelites  are  descended  from  Abraham  alone.  Chapter 
xiv  describes  a  raid  from  the  East  in  which  Abraham 


34  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

appears  for  once,  and  once  only,  as  a  great  warrior. 
This  chapter  is  generally  regarded  as  coming  from  a 
source  not  otherwise  represented  in  the  Pentateuch. 
It  is  interesting  because  it  introduces  the  strange 
character  Melchizedek,  priest  of  El  Elyon.  With  c.  xv 
we  reach  the  E  document,  and  a  narrative  of  the  cove- 
nant in  which  God  promises  to  give  Abraham  seed 
from  his  own  body  and  the  land  of  Canaan  as  their 
home. 

Hagar,  the  handmaid  of  Sarah,  becomes  the  chief 
figure  in  c.  xvi,  chiefly  from  J.  A  barren  wife  not 
infrequently  substituted  a  servant;  Hagar's  preg- 
nancy arouses  Sarah's  jealousy  and  the  handmaid  is 
forced  by  persecution  to  flee.  She  is  led  to  return 
by  the  counsel  of  God,  and  Ishmael  is  born,  so  that 
Abraham  has  an  heir.  The  rite  of  circumcision  is 
instituted  in  c.  xvii,  and  this  story  comes  wholly  and 
naturally  from  P.  The  circumcision  is  a  part  of  P's 
version  of  the  covenant.  God  promises  Abraham  a 
son  by  Sarah,  at  which  in  P  it  is  Abraham  who  laughs 
at  the  idea  that  a  woman  ninety  years  of  age  should 
bear  a  child.  Here  we  have  P's  version  of  the 
changes  of  name,  Abram  to  Abraham  and  Sarai  to 
Sarah,  both  having  symbolic  meaning.  We  are  told 
that  Abraham  and  every  male  in  his  household  were 
circumcised. 

One  of  the  longest  continuous  sections  from  J  is  in 
cc.  xviii  f .  (xix,  29,  is  P).  There  is  an  account  of  a  the- 
ophany  in  which  Abraham  is  promised  a  son  by  Sarah, 
and  in  this  version  it  is   Sarah  who  laughs.     The 


THE  PENTA  TEUCH  35 

main  element  is  the  destruction  of  Sodom,  in  connec- 
tion with  which  we  have  the  fine  description  of  Abra- 
ham's hopeless  intercession,  the  theophany  by  which 
Lot  is  warned,  the  adequate  revelation  of  the  deep 
wickedness  of  the  Sodomites,  the  flight  of  Lot  and  his 
family,  and  the  animus  against  Moab  and  Ammon 
shown  by  the  story  of  their  incestuous  origin. 

There  follows  a  long  section,  mainly  from  E  (cc. 
xx-xxii).  First  there  is  the  parallel  to  J's  story  in  c.  xii 
of  the  deception  of  Abimelech  in  regard  to  Sarah, 
but  with  much  greater  detail.  Here  God  makes  a 
revelation  to  the  heathen  king  by  a  dream  (v.  3);  Abra- 
ham is  called  a  prophet  (v.  7);  and  the  punishment 
visited  upon  the  whole  people  is  removed  when  Sarah 
is  restored  to  her  husband  as  a  result  of  Abra- 
ham's intercession.  Then  we  come  to  the  birth  of 
Isaac  (c.  xxi).  Sarah  laughs  again,  but  it  is  no  longer 
a  laugh  of  derision.  She  becomes  jealous  of  Hagar's 
son,  and  so  Ishmael  and  his  mother  are  banished 
finally.  There  is  an  account  of  a  dispute  over  water, 
Abimelech's  servants  being  accused  of  appropriating 
a  well  dug  by  Abraham  at  Beersheba.  The  story  of 
Abraham's  readiness  to  offer  up  his  son  Isaac  as  a 
burnt-offering  is  unmatched  for  simple  pathos  in  any 
literature.  From  the  fragment  in  J,  vv.  15-18,  it  is 
evident  that  the  story  had  a  place  in  both  prophetic 
sources.  P  would  naturaly  omit  it,  for  human  sacrifice 
was  an  abomination  to  him. 

The  death  of  Sarah  is  described  in  the  P  document 
(c.  xxiii).     The  narrative  is  chiefly  occupied  with  the 


36  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

purchase  of  a  burying-place.  It  is  quite  typical  of 
the  Oriental  method  of  transacting  business,  in  that 
Ephron  offered  to  make  Abraham  a  present  of  the 
land,  though  he  was  really  striving  to  secure  the  max- 
imum price.  We  are  reaching  the  close  of  Abraham's 
career  now.  He  was  too  old  for  further  activity,  and 
his  sole  concern  is  the  proper  marriage  of  his  son. 
This  story  comes  wholly  from  J,  and  it  is  evident  that 
the  prejudice  against  foreign  marriages  was  very  early 
indeed.  A  genealogy  of  Nahor,  Abraham's  brother,  is 
given  (xxii,  20-24),  in  order  to  explain  the  relationship 
of  Rebekah,  who  was  a  granddaughter  of  Nahor.  The 
story  brings  out  the  divine  guidance  by  signs.  Abra- 
ham's servant  believes  that  God  will  select  a  wife  for 
Isaac,  and  so  the  damsel  who  gives  him  drink  and 
offers  to  draw  water  for  his  camels  too,  shall  be  the  ap- 
pointed one;  certainly  the  sign  may  have  been  chosen 
to  make  sure  of  finding  an  industrious  woman,  such 
as  is  idealized  in  Prov.  xxxi. 

Abraham's  story  closes  with  an  account  of  the  chil- 
dren borne  by  Keturah,  of  his  death,  and  burial  by 
the  side  of  Sarah,  in  the  only  piece  of  land  he  had 
owned  (xxv,  i-ii).  Finally  there  is  appended  an  ac- 
count of  the  descendants  of  Ishmael  (xxv,  12-18). 

2.  Isaac  (xxv,  19-xxvii,  45). — Rebekah,  like  Sarah, 
proved  to  be  barren,  but  she  conceived  in  response  to 
Isaac's  prayer,  and  bore  the  warring  twins,  Jacob  and 
Esau,  the  founders  of  the  ever-warring  nations,  the 
Israelites  and  the  Edomites.     Jacob  became  a  herds- 


THE  PENTA  TEUCH  37 

man  and  the  favorite  of  his  mother,  while  Esau  turned 
to  the  chase  and  won  the  love  of  his  father  by  the  savory 
venison  with  which  he  supplied  him.  The  uncertainty 
of  a  living  by  the  bow  leads  to  Esau's  suffering  from 
hunger,  Jacob  only  relieving  him  at  the  price  of  the 
coveted  birthright  (xxv,  27-34),  ^^^^  revealing  while 
young  his  oft-shown  cleverness  in  driving  a  hard  bar- 
gain. 

In  c.  xxvi  we  find  two  parallels  with  the  story  of 
Abraham,  both  concerned  with  Abimelech  the  Phil- 
istine king.  One  is  the  misrepresentation  about  Re- 
bekah  (vv.  i-ii),  the  other  the  strife  about  the  wells 
(vv.  12-33  i  cf.  xxi,  22-34).  There  is  a  note  from  P,  tell- 
ing how  Esau  married  Hittite  wives  to  the  sore  dis- 
tress of  his  parents  ( vv.  34  f . ).  Then  we  have  the  long 
story  from  J  in  which  Rebekah  aids  Jacob  in  tricking 
his  father  and  so  winning  from  him  the  greater  blessing 
intended  for  Esau,  and  thus  apparently  confirming 
the  purchase  of  the  birthright  (xxvii,  1-40).  This 
treachery  aroused  the  wrath  of  Esau  and  he  resolved 
to  slay  his  brother  as  soon  as  his  father  died.  Jacob 
was  saved  by  his  mother  who  planned  to  get  him  out  of 
danger  by  sending  him  to  her  own  people  (xxvii,  41-46). 
In  this  line  the  interest  of  the  story  now  lies.  As  a 
matter  of  fact  we  note  that  the  history  of  Isaac  him- 
self is  comparatively  brief. 

3.  Jacob  (xxvii,  46-xxxvii,  i). — The  ground  for  Re- 
bekah's  plea  that  Isaac  shall  send  Jacob  away  is  to  pre- 
vent his  following  Esau's  example  in  marrying  a  for- 


38  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

eigner  (xxvii,  46  ff. ;  cf.  xxvi,  34  f.).  Esau  seeing  the 
displeasure  of  his  father  on  account  of  his  Hittite 
wives,  proceeded  to  right  the  wrong  by  taking  to  wife 
a  daughter  of  Ishmael  (xxviii,  6-9).  Jacob  starts  from 
Beersheba,  and  travels  as  far  as  Bethel  where  there 
comes  in  the  night  the  dream  of  the  ladder  reaching 
from  earth  to  heaven,  according  to  E  (xxviii,  11  f.), 
but  a  theophany  in  which  Jahveh  renews  to  him  the 
promise  to  Abraham,  according  to  J  (xxviii,  13 ff.). 
Jacob  reaches  Haran,  the  home  of  his  mother's  peo- 
ple, and  by  chance  meets  Rachel  the  daughter  of 
Laban  (xxix,  1-14  J).  Then  in  E  we  have  the 
story  of  Laban's  tricking  Jacob  by  substituting 
Leah  for  Rachel,  Laban's  object  being  to  secure 
another  seven  years'  service  from  one  who  had  proved 
to  be  an  expert  herdsman  (xxix,  15-30).  While  Rachel 
the  loved  one  was  barren,  Leah  the  blear-eyed  bore 
Jacob  four  sons,  Reuben, Simeon, Levi  and  Judah  (xxix, 
3i"35  J)-  The  rival  sisters  now  gave  their  handmaids 
to  Jacob,  and  from  Bilhah,  Rachel's  maid,  were  born 
Dan  and  Naphtali ;  from  Zilpah,  Leah's  maid,  were 
born  Gad  and  Asher.  Then  with  the  aid  of  the  man- 
drakes, Leah  herself  bore  two  more  sons,  Issachar  and 
Zebulum,  and  Rachel  bore  Joseph  (xxx,  1-24  E  and  J). 
Jacob  was  now  resolved  to  return  to  Canaan,  but  as 
Laban  was  unwillng  to  have  him  go,  a  new  agreement 
was  made,  according  to  which  Jacob  was  to  have  all 
speckled  and  spotted  and  black  animals  among  the 
flocks  and  Laban  to  have  all  the  rest.  This  plan 
looked   like   a    good    proposition    to   Laban,    but    it 


THE  PENTATEUCH  39 

proved  to  be  a  good  one  for  Jacob,  as  all  the  best  ani- 
mals now  became  speckled  and  spotted.  The  reason 
for  this  is  supernatural  according  to  E  (xxxi,  7  ff . ),  but 
according  to  J  was  due  to  a  knowledge  of  breeding, 
remarkable  in  that  age,  by  which  colors  could  be  pro- 
duced at  will  (xxx,  37-43). 

While  Laban  was  engaged  in  sheep-shearing,  Jacob 
took  his  family  and  possessions  and  started  for  Ca- 
naan, Rachel  stealing  her  father's  teraphim.  The 
story  of  Laban's  pursuit,  his  warning  in  a  dream  not 
to  molest  Jacob  and  of  the  covenant  between  the  two 
parties  (xxxi,  22-xxxii,  2)  is  from  E,  except  that  there 
is  a  duplicate  of  the  argeement  from  J.  As  Jacob  ap- 
proaches Canaan  the  fear  of  Esau's  vengeance  pos- 
sesses him  and  he  prepares  on  the  one  hand  to  con- 
ciliate him  with  presents  and  on  the  other  hand  to 
divide  his  flock  so  that  all  may  not  be  lost  (xxxii,  3- 
21).  In  the  night  the  angel  visits  him,  from  whom  he 
forces  a  blessing,  as  a  good  omen  anent  Esau,  and 
by  whom  his  name  is  changed  to  Israel  (xxxii,  22-32). 
When  Jacob  meets  Esau  he  discovers  that  his  fears 
were  groundless,  although  the  account  is  full  of  Ja- 
cob's suspicions  of  his  brother's  good  intentions,  so 
that  Jacob  insists  upon  his  taking  a  handsome  pres- 
ent, makes  excuses  not  to  proceed  in  company  with 
Esau  and  refuses  the  guard  which  Esau  proposed 
to  leave  with  him.  Jacob  then  went  on  his  way  to 
Shechem  (xxxiii). 

The  story  of  the  rape  of  Dinah,  Leah's  daughter, 
by  Shechem,  the  son  of  Hamor,  is  made  up  of  alternate 


40  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

small  sections  from  J  and  P  (c.  xxxiv).  There  is  this 
difference  though,  that  in  P  all  of  Jacob's  sons  avenge 
the  wrong  of  their  sister  and  apparently  with  Jacob's 
approval,  while  in  J  the  Shechemites  are  slain  by 
Simeon  and  Levi,  two  of  Leah's  sons,  who  thus,  or  in 
some  other  way,  attained  a  reputation  as  fierce  war- 
riors (xlix,  5-7),  and  their  deed  was  condemned  by  the 
unwarlike  patriarch,  who  cared  more  for  his  property 
than  for  family  honor. 

The  place  of  that  story  in  the  history  of  Jacob  is 
shown  in  c.  xxxv.  The  danger  from  the  Shechemites 
leads  to  Jacob's  move  to  Bethel,  where  he  had  received 
his  first  revelation  (xxviii,  10  ff.)-  We  have  then  P's 
version  (xxxv,  gff.),  in  which  the  revelation  comes  to 
him  at  this  period,  and  God  now  changes  his  name  to 
Israel  (cf.  J,  xxxii,  28).  At  Bethel  Rachel  died  in  giv- 
ing birth  to  Benjamin,  and  her  body  was  carried  to 
Bethlehem  for  burial  (xxxv,  16  ff .  )•  Jacob  then  goes  to 
Hebron,  where  Isaac  died. 

The  P  source  contains  a  full  genealogy  of  Esau,  c. 
xxxvi  being  devoted  wholly  to  that  subject.  In  this  ver- 
sion it  is  said  that  Esau  left  Jacob,  as  Abraham  left 
Lot  (xiii,  6),  because  the  land  was  not  able  to  support 
the  combined  herds  of  the  two  brothers.  There  is  a 
section  giving  the  genealogy  of  Seir,  probably  the 
original  people  of  Edom,  gradually  absorbed  into  the 
descendants  of  Esau.  There  is  a  list  of  the  chiefs 
of  Esau  (vv.  15-19,  44-43),  and  of  the  kings  of  Edom 
who  ruled  before  the  time  of  Saul  (vv.  31-39)-  This 
chapter,  therefore,  could  not  be  as  early  as  Moses. 


THE  PENT  A  TEUCH  41 

4.  Joseph  (xxxvii,2-l). — The  history  of  one  of  Jacob's 
sons  is  singled  out  and  told  at  great  length.  One  ob- 
vious reason  for  this  is  the  place  the  life  of  Joseph  has 
in  the  fortunes  of  his  family ;  but  another  is  the  pre- 
dominance of  the  Joseph  tribe  in  the  time  of  the  set- 
tlement of  Canaan.  The  earliest  source  for  the  con- 
quest, Judges  i,  really  knows  of  but  two  important 
tribes,— Judah  and  Joseph,— and  the  latter  is  far  the 
stronger,  advancing  into  the  very  heart  of  Canaan, 
while  Judah  hovered  around  the  more  unsettled  parts 
in  the  south. 

The  story  of  Joseph  is  told  by  long  excerpts  from  E 
and  J,  P  occurring  but  rarely.  It  appears  that  P  had 
but  little  of  this  part  of  the  history.  As  he  lived  in 
the  post-exilic  age,  when  the  northern  tribes  no  longer 
existed  as  a  part  of  the  Jewish  people,  he  would  nat- 
urally not  dilate  much  on  the  tribe  which  was  pecu- 
liarly the  representative  of  the  north.  There  is  ample 
compensation,  however,  in  the  preservation  of  some  of 
the  most  touching  stories  in  the  whole  Bible.  Cer- 
tainly J  and  E  realized  the  rich  mines  the  life  of 
Joseph  offered,  and  they  have  made  good  use  of  their 
material. 

The  narrative  opens  with  Joseph  as  a  young  lad, 
the  favorite  of  his  father,  because  he  was  the  son  of 
the  beloved  Rachel.  The  enmity  of  the  mothers 
showed  in  the  children,  and  thus  the  way  was  pre- 
pared for  the  other  sons  to  lift  their  hands  against 
Joseph  the  moment  they  caught  him  away  from  his 
father's    protection.      There  are  radical  differences 


42  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

between  E  and  J  in  regard  to  the  disposal  of  Joseph. 
According  to  E,  Reuben  persuaded  his  brothers  not 
to  slay  Joseph,  but  to  cast  him  into  an  empty  pit, 
that  he  might  die  there,  but  secretly  intending  to 
rescue  him  and  send  him  safely  home.  While  the 
shepherds  were  away  from  the  pit,  a  caravan  of  Mid- 
ianite  merchants  came  by,  and  happening  to  see  the 
boy  in  his  plight,  probably  attracted  by  his  cries, 
drew  him  out  and  carried  him  to  Egypt  and  sold  him 
as  a  slave  to  an  officer  of  Pharaoh.  Reuben  was  greatly 
distressed  when,  upon  going  alone  to  the  pit,  he 
discovered  that  Joseph  was  gone  (xxxvii,  19  f.,  22-24, 
2%ac^  29  f . ,  36).  In  J  Reuben  (or  Judah)  rescues  Joseph 
from  his  brothers  who  were  ready  to  slay  him.  While 
the  shepherds  were  eating,  a  caravan  of  Ishmaelites 
came  along  and  at  Judah's  suggestion  Joseph  was 
sold  to  the  Ishmaelites,  Reuben  certainly  being  a 
party  to  the  sale  (xxxvii,  12-18,  21,  25-27,  2Zb  31-35). 
The  pit  is  wholly  in  E's  version,  and  the  sale  in  J's. 
In  both  accounts  Reuben*  saves  the  lad's  life,  and 
Joseph  is  sold  into  slavery  in  Egypt. 

There  is  a  digression,  so  far  as  the  story  of  Joseph 
is  concerned,  to  bring  in  the  rather  broad  story  of  Ju- 
dah and  Tamar  (c.  xxxviii).  As  this  account  is  wholly 
from  the  Judaic  source,  it  is  evident  that  these  pro- 
phetic historians  were  no  special  pleaders.    The  object 


*  It  is  contended  that  in  v.  21  we  should  rt^id  Judah  in  place 
of  Reuben.  As  Judah  was  the  leader  in  v.  26,  the  emendation 
seems  probable. 


THE  PENTATEUCH  43 

of  the  story  is  to  emphasize  the  duty  of  levirate  mar- 
riage, a  man  being  bound  to  marry  his  brother's 
widow  if  he  had  died  and  left  no  children  (Deut.  xxv, 
5  f.).  But  the  story  has  other  bearings  in  that  Judah 
is  isolated  from  the  other  sons,  and  the  family  receives 
mixture  from  a  Canaanite  source. 

The  story  proceeds  with  the  life  of  Joseph,  telling 
how  his  master's  wife  tried  to  seduce  him,  and  fail- 
ing in  that  accused  him  of  her  own  sin  so  that  he  was 
put  in  prison,  and  how  in  the  prison  he  interpreted 
the  dreams  of  his  fellow  prisoners,  how  that  led  to  his 
being  called  in  to  interpret  Pharaoh's  dreams,  and  so 
he  rose  to  be  the  king's  chief  minister  (cc.  xxxix-xli). 

Then  we  get  back  to  the  land  of  Canaan,  suffering 
again  in  a  general  famine.  Jacob  sends  his  ten  sons 
to  Egypt  to  buy  the  much-needed  corn.  Joseph 
forces  the  presence  of  Benjamin,  and  then  by  a  trick 
arranges  to  keep  him  in  Egypt.  Judah's  plea  (in  J) 
moves  Joseph  to  disclose  his  identity,  and  so  Jacob 
with  all  his  family  is  brought  to  Egypt  and  they  take 
up  their  abode  in  the  land  of  Goshen  (xlii-xlvii).  The 
blessing  of  Joseph's  sons,  Ephraim  and  Manasseh  (c. 
xlviii),  is  intended  to  bring  the  sons  of  Joseph  by  an 
Egyptian  wife  into  membership  with  the  family  of 
Jacob,  and  to  forecast  the  supremacy  of  the  younger 
Ephraim  over  the  older  Manasseh. 

The  blessing  of  Jacob  (xlix,2-27)  is  an  account  of  the 
characteristics  and  fortunes  of  each  of  Jacob's  twelve 
sons.  As  the  poem  is  incorporated  in  J,  it  is  certainly 
early.     It  is  not,  however,  a  composition  of  the  patri- 


44  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

arch,  for  it  really  pictures  the  fortunes  of  the  twelve 
tribes  after  they  had  long  been  settled  in  the  land 
of  Canaan.  For  the  evidence  to  support  this  view, 
Skinner's  work  may  be  consulted  (^Int.  Crit.  Comm.) 
The  book  of  Genesis  closes  with  Jacob's  charge  to 
his  sons  to  bury  him  in  the  family  cemetery,  "in  the 
field  of  Ephron  the  Hittite,"  and  his  death  and  bur- 
ial according  to  his  directions  (xlix,  28-I,  14).  The 
brothers  now  fear  that  Joseph  may  avenge  the  wrong 
done  to  him,  but  he  reassures  them  and  exacts  an  oath 
that  they  will  bury  his  bones  in  the  land  of  Canaan 

(1. 15-26). 

l^he  literary  character  of  the  patriarchal  narrative. — It  is  ac- 
knowledged by  all  scholars  now  that  there  is  no  historical  material 
in  cc.  i-xi,  that  that  part  of  the  book  of  Genesis  is  an  attempt 
in  a  series  of  stories  to  account  for  the  origin  of  Abraham,  the 
ancestor  of  the  Hebrews.  For  the  whole  narrative  leads  up  to 
him.  The  rest  of  the  book  has  been  looked  upon  as  authentic 
history.  Many  scholars  now  regard  the  whole  book  as  a  unit  in 
that  the  whole  is  an  invention,  the  patriarchal  stories  having  as 
their  purpose  the  explanation  of^the  actual  condition  and  relation 
of  the  tribes  in  historic  times,  so  that  the  Blessing  of  Jacob 
(xlix,  2-27)  is  a  sort  of  condensation  of  the  whole. 

In  this  interpretation  certain  sons  are  derived  from  a  concu- 
binate  origin,  Dan  and  Naphtali,  Gad  and  Asher,  because  these 
tribes  were  of  little  importance  in  the  affairs  of  Israel.  Jacob 
accepts  the  sons  of  Joseph,  because,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  Ephriam 
and  Manasseh  gradually  displaced  the  old  and  powerful  tribe  of 
Joseph.  Again,  the  tribe  of  Judah  was  never  closely  associated 
with  the  other  tribes,  and  its  people  were  composed  of  diverse 
elements,  and  that  is  accounted  for  by  the  strange  tale  of  Judah 
and  Tamar  (c.  xxxviii).  A  full  exposition  of  this  theory  may  be 
found  in  Paton's  Syria  and  Palestine^  and  in  Skinner,  Int.  Crit. 
Comm. 


THE  PENTATEUCH  45 

It  may  well  be  that  the  truth  lies  between  the  two  contentions. 
One  must  admit  an  appearance  of  a  purpose  in  many  of  the  sto- 
ries. On  the  other  hand,  the  tribes  of  Israel  do  appear  to  have 
entered  Canaan  from  Egypt,  and  the  legends  of  the  patriarchs 
may  be  in  substance  a  true  account  of  their  presence  in  that  land. 
I  confess  that  I  find  it  difficult  either  to  accept  every  tale  as  it 
stands,  or  to  reject  the  whole  as  stories  having  no  basis  in  fact. 

Exodus 

Our  name  for  the  book  comes  from  the  Greek,  and 
the  title  is  chosen  in  view  of  the  most  important 
event  described  in  the  book.  The  Hebrews  named  it 
in  their  usual  fashion  from  its  opening  words,  usually 
abbreviated  to  Skemoih,  i.e.  names. 

The  history  is  taken  up  where  it  is  left  off  in 
Genesis,  except  that,  as  often  in  a  play  an  interval 
of  time  elapses  between  the  acts,  so  a  considerable 
period  passes  by  in  the  space  between  Joseph  and 
Moses.  For  the  purpose  of  study  it  is  convenient  to 
divide  the  book,  as  Driver  does,  into  three  main  sec- 
tions:— 

I .  The  reduction  of  the  Israelites  to  slavery  and  the 
preparatio7t  to  escape  (i-xi).  —  The  book  opens  with  a 
short  section  from  P  (i,  1-5,7),  giving  the  names  of  the 
sons  of  Jacob,  but  in  a  peculiar  order,  first  the  six 
sons  of  Leah,  then  the  son  of  Rachel,  Joseph  being 
already  in  Egypt,  and  finally  the  sons  of  the  concu- 
bines. It  is  further  stated  that  the  whole  body  which 
took  up  its  abode  in  Egypt  consisted  of  seventy  per- 
sons, but  that  the  family  multiplied  with  exceeding 
celerity.     The   conditions  described  here    evidently 


46  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

presuppose  a  long  interval  of  time,  for  Pharaoh  says 
**the  sons  of  Israel  are  more  and  mightier  than  we" 

(i.9J). 

A  new  king  was  on  the  Egyptian  throne  who  dis- 
regarded the  great  service  Joseph  had  rendered  to  the 
kingdom,  and  who  now  made  various  unsuccessful  at- 
temps  to  check  the  rapid  increase  in  numbers.  The 
first  attempt  was  by  imposing  heavy  service  upon  the 
Israelites  (i,  8-14).  When  this  method  failed,  orders 
were  given  to  the  midwives  to  take  measures  so  that 
all  male  children  should  be  born  dead.  It  was  the 
fear  of  God  that  constrained  the  midwives  to  disre- 
gard this  order  (i,  15-22).  The  king  was  now  desper- 
ate, and  issued  orders  that  every  male  child  should  be 
thrown  into  the  Nile,  and  this  order  results  in  the 
bringing  to  his  own  court  of  the  greatest  of  all  the 
Hebrews  (i,  22-ii,  10).  Even  though  this  story  comes 
from  E,  stress  is  laid  upon  the  fact  that  both  the 
parents  of  Moses  were  of  the  tribe  of  Levi  (ii,  i). 

Few  lives  reveal  so  strikingly  the  wonderful  course 
of  God's  providence  as  that  of  Moses.  From  his 
birth  to  his  death,  he  seems  to  have  been  at  times 
the  sport  of  fate,  and  yet  a  closer  study  shows  that 
a  wonderful  providence  was  in  it  all.  When  he  was 
left  on  the  Nile,  the  chances  were  largely  in  favor  of 
a  speedy  death ;  but  providence  led  him  to  the  Egyp- 
tian court.  When  he  slew  an  Egyptian  (ii,  12)  fate 
would  decree  a  quick  end  of  his  career;  providence 
ordained  it  as  the  casting  of  his  own  fortunes  with 
those  of  his  lowly  brethren.     When  he  v^as  compelled 


THE  PENTATEUCH  47 

to  flee  to  Midian,  it  might  seem  that  his  career  as  a 
Hebrew  was  ended;  providence  saw  that  he  was 
learning  the  secrets  of  the  nomadic  desert  life  where 
he  would  wander  so  many  years  leading  the  tribes  of 
Israel  as  he  had  formerly  led  Jethro's  flocks. 

These  stories  reveal  the  character  and  spirit  of  the 
great  leader.  We  note  his  strong  sense  of  justice 
that  was  not  merely  a  fine  sentiment,  but  a  motive  for 
action,  even  when  the  action  was  dangerous.  Thus  he 
slew  the  Egyptian  who  was  smiting  a  Hebrew  slave 
(ii,  12) ;  he  rebuked  an  Israelite  who  wronged  one  of  his 
brethren  (ii,  13);  and  still  more,  he  drove  back  the 
shepherds  who  watered  their  flocks  from  the  water 
drawn  by  women  (ii,  17).  Moses  was  a  worthy  foun- 
dation-stone for  the  church  militant. 

Meanwhile  the  oppression  is  grinding  hard  upon 
the  Hebrews  (ii,  23-25),  but  God  is  not  unmindful  of 
their  sufferings,  and  their  distress  has  reached  the 
point  where  they  may  be  led  to  desperate  action.  In 
alternate  sections  of  J  and  E,  we  are  told  of  the  reve- 
lation to  Moses  at  Horeb,  in  which  the  name  Jahveh 
is  revealed  (iii,  14  E),  and  Moses  is  given  signs  by 
which  to  prove  to  the  Hebrews  that  he  speaks  with 
the  authority  of  God  (iv,  1-16  J).  According  to  E 
the  signs  were  to  be  used  to  persuade  Pharaoh  (iv, 
17-21). 

Aaron,  who  was  to  be  aflfiliated  with  Moses  as  his 
spokesman,  meets  him  on  his  return  to  Egypt.  They 
gather  the  elders  of  the  Hebrews  and  enthuse  them 
with  the  story  of  God's  promise  of  success.     Alas! 


48  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

the  answer  of  Pharaoh  to  their  plea  for  a  three-days' 
sojourn  in  the  wilderness  is  the  order  to  make  bricks 
without  straw.  The  result  was  the  beginning  of  a 
long  series  of  reproaches  which  Moses  must  bear 
(v,i9-vi,i),  the  same  kind  that  any  great  leader  must 
meet  as  the  price  of  doing  anything  for  his  people. 

There  follows  a  long  parallel  section  from  P  (vi,  2- 
vii,  13),  which  completely  duplicates  the  preceding 
story  of  God's  directions  to  Moses  and  Aaron.  There 
is  imbedded  a  genealogical  section,  apparently  having 
originally  the  heads  of  all  the  tribal  clans,  but  only  those 
of  Reuben,  Simeon  and  Levi  are  preserved  (vi,  14-25). 
From  the  way  Moses  and  Aaron  are  described  (vi, 
26  f.),  it  is  plain  that  Moses  could  not  be  the  author, 
and  that  the  writing  was  done  long  after  his  day. 

In  cc.  vii-xi  we  have  the  story  of  the  plagues,  the 
means  by  which  Moses  (or  in  P,  Moses  and  Aaron) 
secure  the  release  of  the  Israelites.  The  plagues 
served  a  double  purpose.  On  the  one  hand  they  were 
signs  whose  object  was  to  prove  that  Moses  was  act- 
ing under  divine  direction.  The  theory  is  that  Pha- 
raoh would  grant  the  request  of  the  Hebrews,  once  he 
were  persuaded  that  it  was  really  God's  will.  It  is 
on  this  account  that  the  Egyptian  magicians  are 
brought  into  the  story;  if  they  can  do  the  same 
things  that  Moses  and  Aaron  do,  it  will  weaken  any 
peculiar  claim  from  the  signs.  Curiously  all  these 
contests  are  recorded  in  P  only  (vii,  11  f.,  22-viii, 
7,  18;  ix,  11).  The  magicians  failed  in  their  efforts 
to  produce  the  lice,  and  they  were  so  discomfitted  by 


THE  PENTATEUCH  49 

the  boils  that  they  actually  became  victims  of  this 
plague  (ix,  ii). 

On  the  other  hand,  the  signs  were  of  such  a  char- 
acter as  to  strike  terror  into  the  heart  of  the  Egyp- 
tians, as  the  ark  of  Jahveh  struck  terror  to  the  heart 
of  the  Philistines  in  the  later  days  (i  Sam.  v).  The 
Egyptians  suffered  such  disaster  that  they  were  con- 
strained to  beg  the  king  to  send  the  plague  producers 
from  their  land  (x,  7).  In  harmony  with  this  idea  it 
is  stated  that  the  Hebrews  were  exempt  from  some  of 
the  plagues, — flies,  murrain,  hail,  dakness  and  death 
of  the  first-born. 

There  is  a  record  of  twelve  plagues  in  all.  There 
is  but  one  recorded  from  all  three  sources,  that  of 
turning  the  water  into  blood  (vii,  14-18,  J;  vii,  20^- 
21,  E;  vii,  ig  f.,  P);  and  here  there  is  a  difference  in 
that  in  J  and  E  only  the  water  of  the  Nile  becomes 
blood,  while  in  P  apparently  that  fate  happens  to  all 
the  water  in  the  land.  Three  plagues  are  described 
in  two  sources:  the  frogs  in  J  (viii,  1-4)  and  in  P 
(viii,  57);  the  hail  is  in  J  (ix,  13-21,  24-34)  ^nd  in  E 
(ix  22  f.,  35);  the  locusts  appear  in  the  same  two 
sources,  J,  x,  1-7,  14-19;  E,  x,  8-13.  Two  are  in  J  only, 
the  flies  (viii,  20-32)  and  the  murrain  on  the  cattle  (ix, 
1-7).  One  is  found  in  E  only,  viz.,  the  darkness  (x,  21- 
27),  and  one  in  P  only,  viz.,  the  lice  (viii,  16-19).  To 
sum  up  in  another  way,  and  leaving  out  the  death  of 
the  first-born,  which  is  closely  associated  with  the 
Passover,  six  plagues  are  recored  in  J,  four  each 
in  E  and  P. 


50  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

Pharaoh's  obstinate  refusal  to  heed  a  request  backed 
up  with  so  much  power  is  explained  from  two  quite 
divergent  points  of  view.  It  has  a  theological  ex- 
planation in  the  oft-repeated  statement  that  God 
hardened  the  king's  heart,  so  that  he  would  not  re- 
lease his  slaves.  Here  we  have  the  curious  idea  that 
God  made  a  demand  upon  a  person  and  at  the  same 
time  made  it  impossible  for  him  to  comply  with  the 
demand.  There  is  quite  a  different  view  running 
through  the  story.  The  start  of  it  is  the  request, 
veiling  the  real  purpose,  for  permission  to  make  a 
three-days'  journey  into  the  wilderness  in  order  to 
worship  their  God  (v,  3;  cf.  vii,  16;  viii,  27,  all  J). 
The  king  evidently  suspects  the  real  design,  for  at  vari- 
ous stages  of  the  plagues  he  temporizes,  proposing  that 
the  people  shall  offer  their  sacrifices  in  the  land  of 
Goshen  (viii,  25,  J);  in  another  case  he  offers  to  let 
the  men  go,  provided  the  women  and  children  remain 
behind  as  security  (x,  8-1 1,  E);  or  that  they  will  leave 
their  cattle  behind  (x,  24  ff.,  E).  Moses  refuses  all 
these  compromises,  but  never  once  does  he  declare 
frankly  that  the  only  terms  he  will  accept  is  an  un- 
conditional release,  but  always  makes  an  excuse  to 
show  that  Pharaoh's  plan  will  not  do.  In  rejecting 
the  proposal  to  sacrifice  in  Egypt,  he  repeats  the  plea 
for  a  three-days'  journey  into  the  wilderness. 

In  E  and  J  there  is  a  rather  unfortunate  record  of 
the  borrowing  of  treasures  from  their  Egyptian  neigh- 
bors on  the  eve  of  their  departure,  and  the  express 
statement  that  Jahveh  gave  them  favor  in  the  sight  of 


THE  PENTATEUCH  51 

their  neighbors  so  that  they  loaned  freely  of  their 
jewels  of  silver  and  gold  (iii,  22;  xi,  2  f. ;  xii,  35  f.). 

2.  Frorn  Egypt  to  Sinai  (xii-xix,  2). — Two  great 
feasts  are  associated  with  the  departure  from  Egypt, 
the  Passover  and  the  Unleavened  Bread.  The  por- 
tion from  P  in  cc.  xii  and  xiii  contains  little  else.  The 
method  of  observing  the  Passover  is  prescribed  in 
xii,  1-14,  40-51,  and  Unleavened  Bread  in  xii,  15-20. 
In  JE  there  is  a  complete  duplication,  though  this 
source  connects  the  feasts  more  closely  with  the  escape 
from  Egypt ;  greater  stress  is  laid  upon  the  connection 
of  the  Passover  with  the  death  of  the  first-born  (xii, 
21  ff.),  and  the  Unleavened  Bread  is  interpreted  as  due 
to  the  haste  of  the  departure  (xii,  34),  the  dedication 
of  the  firstlings  is  also  traced  to  the  preservation  of 
the  first-born  of  the  Hebrews  at  this  time  of  disaster 
to  the  Egyptians.  Both  sources  have  brief  notes  of 
the  beginning  of  the  journey  from  Egypt:  P,  xii,  37; 
xiii,  20;  JE,  xii,  38;  xiii,  17-19. 

The  next  chapters  (xiv  and  xv)  describe  the  most 
memorable  event  in  Hebrew  history, — the  safe  passage 
of  the  Red  Sea  and  the  disaster  to  the  Egyptian  army 
in  that  same  body  of  water.  There  is  considerable 
difference  in  the  point  of  view  of  the  two  main  sources. 
In  P,  Jahveh  directs  the  Hebrews  to  get  into  an  ap- 
parently bad  position  so  as  to  tempt  Pharaoh  to  pursue 
them  and  thus  provide  the  setting  for  a  demonstra- 
tion of  divine  power  (xiv,  1-4,  8  f. ).  The  waters  of  the 
sea  were  controlled  by  Moses'  rod  (xiv,  15-18,  21^, 


52  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

22  f.,  26,  28  f.)-  In  J,  Pharaoh  repented  his  leniency 
and  started  out  to  recover  his  escaped  slaves,  and  the 
cornered  Hebrews  were  in  great  terror  (xiv,  5-7, 1 1-14). 
The  waters  were  removed  from  the  arm  of  the  sea  by  a 
strong  east  wind  (xiv,  21).  In  E  it  is  noticeable  that 
the  Hebrews  were  protected  by  *'an  angel  of  God"(xiv, 
19^),  while  in  J  the  safety  lies  in  the  pillar  of  cloud 
(xiv,  19^,  20).  In  both  sources  the  overwhelming  dis- 
aster befalls  the  pursuring  army  of  Egypt,  though 
there  is  considerable  amplification  in  J,  who  says  that 
Jahveh  took  off  the  wheels  of  the  Egyptian  chariots 
(xiv,  25). 

The  earliest  information  is  preserved  in  E,  who  has 
saved  the  Song  of  the  Sea  (xv,  1-18).  In  this  poem  we 
find  the  source  of  J's  idea  that  the  wind  saved  the 
Hebrews  (v.  10).  It  is  commonly  held  that  the  poem 
has  been  amplified  in  the  latter  part,  especially  vv.  13- 
18.  But  the  body  of  the  poem  seems  to  be  early  and  to 
belong  to  the  collections  of  poems  which  preceded  the 
prose  narratives  of  the  Bible.  The  poem  in  its  earliest 
form  covers  all  the  vital  points  of  the  later  prose 
stories.  The  deliverance  of  the  Hebrews  and  the 
overthrow  of  the  Egyptians  at  the  Red  Sea  seem  to  be 
historic  facts  which  cannot  be  questioned. 

From  cc.  xiv,  22-xix,  2,  the  narrative  describes  the 
movements  of  the  Hebrews  as  they  journeyed  from 
the  Red  Sea  until  they  reach  Sinai.  Troubles  come 
upon  the  people  quickly  as  they  enter  the  desert,  in 
which  at  first  they  can  find  no  water,  and  when  they 
do  discover  some,  find  that  it  is  not  fit  to  drink  (xiv, 


THE  PENTATEUCH  53 

22-27).  At  Elim  there  was  plenty  of  water,  but  when 
they  entered  the  wilderness  of  Sin,  their  provisions 
were  exhausted  and  the  people  complained  because  of 
their  hunger.  Then  it  was  that  the  manna  was  given ; 
according  to  P,  ma?ma  and  quails,  too  (xvi,  13).  At 
Rephidim  no  water  was  found,  and  the  people  were 
ready  to  stone  their  leader,  but  by  divine  direction 
he  saved  the  situation  by  bringing  water  from  the 
rock  (xvii,  1-7).  Then  a  new  trouble  arises.  The 
tibe  of  Amalek  disputed  the  rights  to  the  deserts 
and  the  Hebrews  were  obliged  to  fight  for  existence. 
This  story  is  interesting  because  it  introduces  one  of 
the  important  characters  of  the  early  history,  Joshua, 
the  son  of  Nun,  who  became  the  military  leader  of  his 
people.  It  appears  that  the  victory  was  due  as  much 
to  Moses'  prayers  as  to  Joshua's  sword  (xvii,  8-16). 
The  Hebrews  had  reached  the  region  where  Moses 
had  lived  during  his  enforced  exile,  and  Jethro  comes 
to  visit  his  son-in-law.  It  was  at  this  time  that  Jethro 
advised  Moses  to  develop  the  organization  of  the 
tribes  by  the  appointment  of  subordinate  judges 
(xviii).  The  P  source  now  describes  the  arrival  of 
the  Hebrews  at  Sinai,  in  the  third  month  after  the  de- 
parture from  Egypt  (xix,  if.).  All  the  rest  of  the 
book  of  Exodus  is  occupied  with  the  events  that  took 
place  at  Sinai. 

3.  At  Mount  Sinai  (x\x,  3-xl). — The  chief  events  are 
the  giving  of  the  law,  the  construction  of  the  taber- 
nacle, and  the  making  of  the  golden  calf. 


54  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

The  section  dealing  with  the  giving  of  the  code 
of  laws  (ixx,  3-xxiv)  is  all  from  J  and  E  except  xxiv, 
15-18^.  From  E  we  have  the  account  of  the  cove- 
nant by  which  the  Hebrews  agreed  to  obey  the  words 
spoken  by  God  to  Moses  (xix,  3-25),  and  the  Decalogue 
(xx,  1-17).  The  code  of  the  covenant  is  preserved 
solidly  in  J.  Some  notes  on  the  Decalogue  will  ap- 
pear in  connection  with  our  study  of  Deuteronomy; 
here  we  must  glance  at  the  earliest  code  of  laws  in 
Hebrew  history.  These  laws  are  given  to  Moses  from 
Jahveh.  In  a  sort  of  preliminary  notice,  the  making 
of  images  is  forbidden,  and  it  is  ordained  that  altars 
shall  usually  be  of  earth ;  but  if  stone  is  employed  it 
must  be  laid  up  of  rough  stones  (xx,  22-26).  This 
law  presupposes  an  unsettled  life,  altars  of  a  tempo- 
rary character  being  built  wherever  the  people  happen 
to  be. 

The  subject  covered  first  in  the  code  is  slavery,  the 
object  being  to  prevent  the  involuntary  perpetual 
servitude  of  any  Hebrew  (xxi,  i-ii).  There  are  regu- 
lations to  cover  various  injuries  to  people,  from  murder 
to  slight  bodily  harm  by  men  or  by  cattle  (xxi,  12-32). 
The  next  subject  covered  by  a  series  of  laws  is  the 
protection  of  personal  property  (xxi,  32-xxii,  17). 
Cattle  loom  large  in  this  section,  but  agriculture 
is  presupposed  also  (v.  6).  A  sorceress  was  not  per- 
mitted to  live  (xxii,  18).  Sacrifice  to  any  god  but 
Jahveh  is  forbidden  (v.  20).  The  social  relations 
were  looked  after,  strangers,  widows  and  children  must 
not  be  oppressed  (vv.  21-24);. interest  niust  not  be  col- 


THE  PENTATEUCH  55 

lected  from  the  poor  (vv.  25-27);  even  the  stray  cattle 
of  an  enemy  must  be  returned  to  him  (xxiii,  4  f.).  In 
this  early  code  the  seventh  year  was  to  be  a  period  of 
rest  of  the  land  (xxiii,  10  f.),  and  the  Sabbath  is  to  be 
a  day  of  rest  (xxiii,  12). 

Religious  regulations  are  found.  Offerings  must  be 
made  (xxii,  29  f. ;  xxiii,  18  f.);  three  annual  festivals 
are  ordained, —  Unleavened  Bread,  Harvest,  and  In- 
gathering (xxiii,  14-17).  Following  the  laws  there 
is  J's  account  of  the  covenant  by  which  the  people 
agreed  to  observe  them  (xxiv,  3ff.)- 

There  follows  a  very  long  section  from  P  (xxv-xxxi 
[except  xxxi,  18^]).  Moses  had  gone  up  to  the  top 
of  Mount  Sinai  and  was  covered  by  the  cloud  which 
symbolized  the  presence  of  Jahveh  (xxiv,  15-18^). 
Jahveh  then  revealed  to  Moses  directions  concerning 
the  tabernacle,  which  was  to  be  the  travelling  temple 
for  the  people.  The  narrative  goes  into  the  minute 
details  characteristic  of  an  architect's  specifications. 
There  are,  however,  many  subjects  covered.  The 
people  are  to  make  offerings  so  as  to  provide  raw  ma- 
terial. The  ark  is  described,  the  mercy  seat  and  the 
cherubim  which  guard  it;  the  table  for  the  shew- 
bread,  with  dishes,  spoons,  flagons  and  bowls,  the 
golden  candlestick,  are  planned  (xxv).  Then  we  come 
to  the  specifications  for  the  tabernacle  itself  (xxvi); 
the  altar  upon  which  burnt-offerings  are  to  be  made, 
constructed  of  acacia  wood  and  overlaid  with  brass, 
and  the  court  and  the  perpetually  burning  lamp  are 
described  (xxvii).     Then  we  come  to  Aaron  and  his 


56  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

sons  who  are  to  minister  in  the  sanctuary.  Minute 
directions  are  given  for  the  garments  they  are  to  wear 
(xxviii),  and  for  the  method  of  their  consecration,  and 
for  the  offerings  to  be  made  each  day  (xxix).  Then 
we  come  to  the  altar  of  incense,  built  of  acacia  wood 
overlaid  with  gold ;  the  half-shekel  tax  imposed  upon 
every  adult  male  as  atonement  money;  the  brazen 
laver  for  the  priests'  ablutions;  the  holy  oil  for  anoint- 
ing the  tent,  all  of  the  contents  of  the  tent  and  the 
priests  who  minister  therein  (xxx).  Then  two  men 
are  chosen,  Bezaleel  of  Judah  and  Aholiab  of  Dan,  to 
make  all  the  articles  as  specified  (xxxi,  i-ii).  Finally 
the  law  of  the  Sabbath  is  ordained,  with  the  penalty 
of  death  for  its  violation  (xxxi,  12-17). 

There  follows  a  considerable  section  from  JE 
(xxxii,  18^-xxxiv,  28),  describing  the  rebellion  of  the 
people  and  the  setting  up  of  the  golden  calf.  It  is 
interesting  to  note  that  Aaron  becomes  the  leader  of 
the  rebels  and  the  priest  of  the  cult  of  the  golden  calf; 
while  at  the  tent  of  meeting,  which  is  a  sanctuary, 
too,  Joshua  is  the  minister;  and  that  Joshua  also  ac- 
companies Moses  while  he  receives  his  visions  on  the 
mount.  The  people  are  saved  by  the  intercession  of 
Moses,  and  the  section  closes  with  a  code  of  laws 
(xxxiv,  II  ff.),  E's  parallel  to  J  in  xxi-xxiii,  and  so 
called  the  little  code  of  the  covenant. 

The  remainder  of  Exodus  (xxxiv,  29-xl)  is  another 
long,  solid  section  from  P.  This  passage  is  the  se- 
quel to  xxv-xxxi,  and  was  in  the  original  P  directly 
connected  therewith.     Moses  comes  down  from   the 


THE  PENTATEUCH  57 

holy  mount  with  a  glow  on  his  face,  and  speaks  to  ail 
Israel  assembled  for  the  purpose,  giving  the  law  of 
the  Sabbath,  and  calling  upon  them  all  to  make 
offerings,  and  "the  wise-hearted"  to  manufacture  the 
tabernacle  and  its  equipment  (xxxiv,  29-xxxv,  19). 
The  people  depart  to  fetch  the  articles  required  (xxxv, 
20-29).  Then  Moses  called  upon  Bezaleel  and  Aho- 
liab  and  every  wise-hearted  person  to  take  up  the 
work  of  construction,  the  people  continuing  to  bring 
in  material  until  they  are  enjoined  to  stop  (xxxv,  30- 
xxxvi,  7).  Now  we  come  to  a  long  passage  which  is 
largely  a  repetition  (xxxvi,  8  -  xxxix,  31),  for  it  de- 
scribes the  tabernacle  and  all  its  appurtenances  as  they 
were  made  in  the  same  terms  as  used  in  the  specifi- 
cations. There  is  a  statement  giving  the  amount  of 
gold  and  silver  and  brass  presented  by  the  people 
(xxxviii,  24-31).  When  all  the  work  was  completed, 
it  was  brought  to  Moses  for  inspection,  and  he  found 
that  everything  had  been  done  according  to  the  spec- 
ifications (xxxix,  32-43). 

In  c.  xl  there  is  a  further  revelation  to  Moses, 
directing  him  to  set  up  the  tabernacle  and  put  all  of 
its  equipment  in  its  proper  place,  each  article  being 
anointed  with  the  holy  oil,  and  to  wash  and  clothe 
Aaron  and  his  sons  that  they  might  be  set  apart  to 
minister  in  the  tabernacle  (vv.  1-15).  Moses  carries 
out  all  these  instructions,  the  tabernacle  being  reared 
at  the  beginning  of  the  second  year  of  their  departure 
from  Egypt  (vv.  16-33).  The  cloud  covered  the  tent 
of  meeting,  as  it  is  now  called,  so  that  Moses  dare  not 


58  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

enter.  This  cloud  was  the  symbol  of  the  divine  pres- 
ence, and  became  the  guide  for  the  journeys  of  the 
tribes  (vv.  34-38). 

Leviticus 

The  title  comes  from  the  Septuagint,  and  is  derived 
from  Levite.  This  is  the  Levitical  book,  the  book 
which  gives  directions  to  the  Levitical  order,  includ- 
ing the  priests,  for  the  performance  of  their  duties. 
The  Hebrew  name  is  wayyikra,  ''and  he  called," 
which  happens  to  be  the  first  word. 

This  book  belongs  wholly  to  the  P  document,  and 
is  entirely  made  up  of  laws.  There  is  a  large  section 
of  the  book  (cc.  xvii-xxvi)  which  is  generally  recog- 
nized as  an  incorporation  in  P,  but  it  is  nevertheless 
from  another  priestly  source. 

The  place  of  Leviticus  in  the  Pentateuch  shows  the 
perfect  system  of  the  arrangement.  Exodus  carries 
the  history  to  the  arrival  at  Sinai  and  the  building  of 
the  tabernacle.  Leviticus  contains  the  laws  sup- 
posed to  have  been  given  at  Sinai.  For  purposes  of 
study  it  is  convenient  to  divide  it  into  three  parts. 

I .  The  lazvs  of  sacrifice,  purificatioUy  and  atonement 
(i-xvi). — (a)  The  laws  governing  sacrifices  are  con- 
tained in  i,  i-vi,  7.  It  is  noteworthy  that  now  the  rev- 
elation comes  to  Moses  in  the  tent  of  meeting  (i,  i), 
and  not  on  the  sacred  mountain  as  heretofore.  The 
sacrifice  which  stands  first  is  the  burnt-offering, 
which  may  be  of  the  herd  (i,  3-9),  of  the  flock  of 
sheep  or  goats  (i,  10-13),  or  of  birds  (i,  14-17).     In 


THE  PENT  A  TEUCH  59 

each  case  specific  directions  are  given  the  priests  for 
their  guidance  in  making  the  offering,  even  to  the 
place  where  each  variety  is  to  be  killed.  Next  to  this 
comes  the  meal-offering,  of  vegetables  of  different 
kinds  (c.  ii).  The  flour  may  be  presented  raw  or 
cooked  in  some  way.  A  part  of  this  sacrifice  was 
burnt  on  the  fire,  but  a  part  was  the  property  of  the 
priests. 

The  laws  governing  peace-offerings  (c.  iii)  provided 
only  for  animals  of  the  herd  or  flocks.  But  while  for 
burnt-offerings  only  males  were  accepted,  in  peace- 
offerings  either  males  or  females  could  be  used  ;  but  in 
all  cases  it  is  ordered  that  the  animals  shall  be  with- 
out blemish.  Another  difference  is  that  in  the  case 
of  the  burnt-offering  the  whole  animal  was  burned, 
while  in  the  case  of  the  peace-offering  only  the  fat 
was  consumed.  In  all  cases  the  blood  was  carefully 
drained  out;  in  this  connection  the  general  law  is 
ordained,  ''ye  shall  eat  neither  fat  nor  blood"  (v.  17). 

The  sin-offering  is  regulated  in  c.  iv.  Provision  is 
only  made  for  those  who  sin  unintentionally.  The 
laws  cover  the  sins  of  a  chief  priest  (vv,  3-12),  the 
whole  congregation  (vv.  13-21),  a  ruler  (vv.  22-26), 
an  ordinary  individual  (vv.  27-35).  In  the  first  two 
cases  a  bullock  must  be  offered,  in  the  last  two  a  goat, 
or  in  the  last  case  a  lamb.  The  ruler  must  offer  a 
male,  but  a  female  sufficed  for  the  common  man. 
The  animals  were  sacrificed  in  the  same  manner  as 
the  peace-offerings.  Specimens  of  the  unintentional 
sins  are  given  in  v.  14,  and  then  provision  is  made 


60  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

for  the  poor,  allowing  birds  or  even  flour  as  a  sin- 
offering  in  place  of  the  goat  or  lamb  (v.  5-13;  cf.  the 
offering  of  the  Virgin  Mary,  St.  Luke  ii,  24). 

The  fifth  kind  of  sacrifice  is  the  trespass  or  guilt- 
offering  (v,  14;  vi,  7).  This  offering  is  to  atone  for 
unwitting  sins  ''in  the  holy  things  of  Jahveh,"  a 
term  conceived  to  be  broad  enough  to  cover  wrongs 
done  to  a  neighbor  (vi,  2-5).  Any  violation  of  the 
law  of  God  required  a  trespass-offering,  and  the  guilty 
person  was  required  to  make  restitution,  adding  a  fifth 
thereto,  and  making  the  offering  besides.  The  tres- 
pass-offering was  in  every  case  a  ram  without  blemish. 

In  this  section  we  note  that  in  ii,  4-16  the  second  person  is 
used,  in  vv.  11  f.  the  plural,  otherwise  the  singular.  This  pe- 
culiarity suggests  the  probability  that  the  passage  is  from  another 
source  and  incorporated  bodily  in  P. 

It  is  clear,  further,  that  the  distinction  between  a  sin-offering 
and  a  trespass-offering  is  not  always  heeded.  In  v,  17-19  the  tres- 
pass-offering is  prescribed  for  exactly  the  same  cases  as  the  sin- 
offering  in  c.  iv.  Though  the  term  "trespass-offering"  occurs  in 
V.  6,  the  passage  seems  clearly  to  be  supplementary  to  the  law  of 
sin-offerings,  the  trespass-offering  being  formally  presented  in 
V.  14  f.  The  laws  w^ere  not  all  formulated  at  once,  but  represent 
the  growth  of  centuries,  and  probably  much  had  to  be  left  to  the 
interpretation  of  the  priests. 

(b)  A  manual  of  directions  for  the  priests  (vi,  8-vii). 
This  section  gives  more  specific  rules  for  the  various 
kinds  of  sacrifices,  and  states  in  each  case  the  share 
falling  to  the  officiating  priests.  The  laws  controlling 
the  burnt-offering  are  given  in  vi,  8-13,  those  for  the 
meal-offering  in  vi,  14-18,  those  for  the  sin-offering 
in  vi,  24-30,  those  for  the  trespass-offering  in  vii,  17, 


THE  PENTATEUCH  61 

while  the  peace-offering  is  covered  in  vii,  11-21,  28-34. 
In  addition,  there  are  regulations  governing  the  daily 
meal-offering  of  the  chief  priest  (vi,  19-23),  the  pro- 
hibtion  of  eating  either  the  fat  or  the  blood  (vii,  22- 
27).  There  are  two  subscriptions  to  the  manual,  one 
indicating  that  the  above  laws  were  issued  to  regulate 
the  priests'  share  in  the  sacrifices  (vii,  35  f.),  the 
other  being  quite  general  (vii,  37  f.),  naming  the  five 
kinds  of  sacrifice,  and  adding  ''consecration,"  a  sub- 
ject not  included  in  the  manual.  We  note  that  in 
this  subscription  and  in  the  manual  the  peace-offer- 
ings are  named  last  of  the  five,  whereas  they  are  third 
in  i-vi,  7.  The  manual  evidently  is  an  independent 
body  of  laws. 

(c)  The  consecration  of  the  priests  (viii-x).  Moses 
is  now  the  officiaiting  priest,  and  he  consecrates 
Aaron  and  his  sons  (c.  viii)  according  to  the  rules 
laid  down  for  him  in  the  manual  (Ex.  xxix,  1-37). 
Then  the  consecrated  priests  enter  upon  their  office, 
making  sacrifices  for  themselves  and  for  the  people 
as  Moses  directed  (c.  ix).  The  title  of  the  Aaronic 
priesthood  is  now  confirmed  by  the  descent  of  fire 
from  Jahveh,  consuming  the  animal  upon  the  altar 
(ix,  24;  cf.  I  Ki.  xviii,  38).  Trouble  quickly  arises 
in  the  newly  ordained  priesthood.  Nadab  and  Abihu, 
two  of  the  sons  of  Aaron  who  had  been  with  Moses  on 
the  holy  mount,  offered  strange  fire  in  their  censers, — 
that  is,  a  fire  unknown  to  the  law.  For  their  trespass 
they  were  at  once  slain  by  fire  from  Jahveh  (cf.  2  Ki. 
ii,    10  ff.).     Moses  directed  their  relatives  to  drag 


62  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

their  bodies  out  of  the  camp,  and  forbade  Aaron  and 
his  family  to  show  any  signs  of  mourning  for  the  cul- 
prits (x,  17).  Jahveh  now  speaks  directly  to  Aaron, 
and  as  his  message  forbids  the  priests  to  drink  wine 
while  on  duty  (x,  8-1 1),  it  may  be  that  the  offense  of 
Nadab  and  Abihu  was  due  to  strong  drink. 

Moses  then  gives  directions  about  the  share  of  the 
offerings  which  belong  to  the  priests  and  tells  them 
how  they  are  to  be  disposed  of  (x,  12-15).  It  appears 
that  the  surviving  sons  of  Aaron,  Eleazer  and  Ithamar, 
have  burnt  the  whole  of  a  goat  sacrificed  as  a  sin- 
offering  instead  of  eating  a  portion  of  it  in  the  sanc- 
tuary. In  reply  to  Moses'  reproof,  Aaron  pleads  that 
his  sons  have  offered  their  own  sin-offerings,  in  view 
of  the  blow  which  had  befallen  the  office  and  the  fam- 
ily, and  therefore  could  not  eat  of  the  offering.  With 
this  explanation  Moses  is  content,  and  a  modification 
of  the  law  of  the  sin-offering  is  allowed  (x,  16-20). 

(d)  The  laws  of  purification  (xi-xv).  Pure  food 
laws  are  by  no  means  modern.  The  Hebrews  recog- 
nized a  distinction  among  animals  in  that  some  are 
unfit  for  food,  and  so  were  put  under  a  religious  ban, 
being  declared  unclean.  In  some  cases  the  distinction 
is  made  by  a  general  principle.  Among  quadrupeds 
those  which  both  divided  the  hoof  and  chewed  the 
cud  were  clean  and  all  others  prohibited  (xi,  2-8). 
Of  the  fish,  those  were  permitted  for  food  which  had 
both  scales  and  fins  (vv.  9-12).  Of  birds  a  general 
rule  could  not  be  laid  down,  so  that  a  list  of  the  un- 
clean is  given  (vv.   13-19).     The  fourth  class  covers 


THE  PENTA  TEUCH  63 

flying  insects  (vv.  20-23).  The  general  rule  is  that 
all  of  this  class  that  have  four  feet  are  unclean,  though 
certain  exceptions  are  made.  Finally  there  are  the 
reptiles  and  creeping  insects  (vv.  41-43). 

The  law  concerning  clean  and  unclean  animals  is  found  in  an 
earlier  code  (Deut.  xiv,  4-20),  and  in  such  similar  language  that 
idenity  of  origin  is  certain  (cf.  Driver,  Deut.  clvii-clix).  The 
priest  code  often  incorporates  earlier  laws,  though  usually,  as 
here,  with  a  good  deal  of  modification.  In  the  midst  of  this  law 
is  a  section  dealing  with  the  uncleanness  which  falls  upon  man 
by  contact  with  the  carcases  of  animals  (vv.  24-40).  Driver 
holds  that  this  is  a  later  insertion.  Certainly  the  subscription 
(vv.  46  f.)  relates  only  to  the  clean  and  unclean  animals.  But 
the  passage  about  defilement  is  the  only  part  of  this  section 
which  makes  it  appropriate  in  the  code  of  purification,  and  it 
may  rather  be  that  vv.  24-40,  are  the  original  and  the  rest  an 
addition. 

The  law  for  purification  after  childbirth  is  stated 
in  c.  xii.  In  case  the  child  was  a  female,  the  time  of 
impurity  required  was  double.  The  end  of  the  period 
was  marked  by  a  sacrifice,  the  value  of  the  animal  be- 
ing determined  by  the  means  of  the  mother  (cf.  St. 
Luke  ii,  24).  It  is  rather  strange  that  this  chapter 
does  not  follow  c.  xv,  where  it  would  be  more  appro- 
priate, and  in  v.  5  we  have  an  obvious  reference  to 
menstrual  impurity. 

The  important  subject  of  the  regulation  of  leprosy 
is  covered  in  cc.  xiii,  xiv.  The  matter  is  entirely  in 
the  hands  of  the  priests,  but  very  elaborate  and  sci- 
entific rules  are  laid  down  for  the  diagnosis  of  the 
disease  (xiii,  1-46).  The  presence  of  this  disease  en- 
tailed frightful  hardship   upon  the  sufferer,   and  so 


64  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

great  pains  were  taken  to  make  a  correct  diagnosis. 
As  the  contagious  character  of  the  plague  is  recog- 
nized, a  person  under  suspicion  was  isolated  until  the 
condition  was  clear.  Infected  garments  were  to  be 
burned  (vv.  47-59). 

Most  of  the  lepers  died  slowly  in  their  exile,  but 
in  case  of  recovery,  a  most  elaborate  process  of  purifi- 
cation was  enjoined  (xiv,  1-32).  Apart  from  the  sac- 
rifices, the  hair  was  twice  shaved  off  completely,  so 
as  to  run  no  risk  of  contagion.  Finally,  provision 
is  made  for  leprosy  in  a  house,  the  infected  parts  be- 
ing first  removed,  and  if  that  fails  to  eradicate  the 
disease,  the  house  must  be  destroyed  (vv.  33-53). 
The  usual  subscription  to  the  whole  is  found  in  vv. 
54-57;  and  xiii,  59  is  the  subscription  to  xiii,  47-58. 

Purification  was  required  after  certain  secretions: 
in  case  of  venereal  disease  in  a  man  (xv,  1-15),  emis- 
sion (vv.  16  f.),  copulation  (v.  18),  menstruation, 
normal  (vv.  19-24),  abnormal  (vv.  25-31).  The  sub- 
scription follows  (vv.  32  f.). 

The  ritual  for  the  day  of  atonement  is  described  in 
c.  xvi.  There  is  really  another  subject  woven  into 
the  law,  viz.,  the  conditions  under  which  the  high 
priest  might  enter  the  holy  place  within  the  veil  (vv. 
2-4).  By  its  introduction  (v.  i),  this  passage  is 
closely  connected  with  c.  x  and  probably  once  im- 
mediately followed  it,  for  cc.  xi-xv  contsitute  a  com- 
plete section  in  themselves. 

The  atonement  fell  on  the  tenth  day  of  the  seventh 
month  (midwinter),  and  its  purpose  was  to  cleanse  the 


THE  PENTA  TEUCH  65 

whole  nation  from  its  sins.  A  very  peculiar  feature 
of  the  ritual  was  the  release  of  one  of  the  goats,  sym- 
bolically carrying  the  sins  of  the  whole  people,  into 
the  wilderness  unto  Azazel,  which  was  probably  the 
name  of  one  of  the  deities  of  the  desert. 

2.  The  law  of  Holiness  (xvii-xxvi).  This  part  of  the 
book  is  so  named  because  of  the  stress  laid  upon  holi- 
ness; it  is  really  a  code  of  ritual  purity,  though  many 
laws  deal  with  certain  social  relations,  being  the  chief 
parallel  in  P  to  the  code  of  the  Covenant  and  to  the 
laws  of  Deuteronomy. 

This  section  contains  many  features  which  differ- 
entiate it  from  P,  and  yet  it  betrays  mainly  the  priestly 
spirit  and  interest.  These  laws  are  much  closer  to 
Ezekiel's  code  (xl-xlvii)  than  those  in  P  proper.  As 
a  rule  the  laws  are  earlier  than  P,  and  this  code  may 
have  been  formulated  shortly  before  the  exile.  The 
section  has  been  worked  over  frequently  by  a  later 
hand,  possibly  by  P,  when  incorporated  in  that  code. 
The  subjects  covered  are  very  numerous,  the  laws  as 
a  rule  being  more  condensed  than  in  P.  It  some- 
times happens  that  laws  exist  here  which  recur  else- 
where in  P. 

Animals  to  be  eaten  must  be  slain  at  the  central 
sanctuary  (xvii,  1-7;  cf.  Deut.  xii,  isff.);  sacrifices 
must  be  made  at  the  tabernacle  (xvii,  8f.);  the  eating 
of  the  blood  is  prohibited  (vv.  10-14;  cf.  iii,  17;  vii, 
26  f.);  one  who  eats  an  animal  that  has  died  naturally 
or  has  been  torn  by  beasts  is  unclean  (vv.  I5f.).  In 
6 


66  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

c.  xviii  we  find  the  note  so  common  in  Deuteronomy 
of  separation  from  the  usages  of  other  nations.  The 
law  covers  unchastity,  and  especially  prohibits  mar- 
riage with  near  relatives.  Chapter  xix  contains  many 
brief  laws,  covering  much  of  the  ground  of  the  Deca- 
logue. Here  we  find  the  memorable  words,  ''thou 
shall  love  thy  neighbor  as  thyself"  (v,  i8),  the  gen- 
eral law  of  which  most  of  the  others  are  specific  ex- 
amples. In  c.  XX  we  have  a  table  of  penalties  to  be 
imposed  upon  those  who  violate  the  laws  given  above. 
The  punishment  is  usually  death,  and  the  method, 
when  specified,  is  either  stoning  (v.  2)  or  burning  (v. 
14).  There  is  embodied  one  of  the  exhortations,  com- 
mon in  the  law  of  Holiness,  to  obey  the  law  of 
Jahveh  (vv.  22-26). 

Laws  to  govern  the  lives  of  the  priests  are  given 
in  cc.  xxi,  xxii.  The  rules  are  specified  for  the  com- 
mon priests  (xxi  1-9),  for  the  high  priest  (vv.  10-15). 
A  member  of  the  priestly  family  who  had  any  phys- 
ical imperfection  was  allowed  to  eat  of  the  priests' 
portion,  but  was  not  permitted  to  exercise  the  priestly 
office  (vv.  16-24).  The  holy  food  was  not  to  be  eaten 
by  the  priest  who  was  ceremonially  unclean  (xxii, 
1-9),  nor  by  one  who  was  not  of  the  priestly  family, 
including  slaves  (vv.  10-16).  Animals  that  are  blem- 
ished may  not  be  offered  as  sacrifices — except  as  a  free- 
will-offering, V.  23  —  (vv.  17-25).  Three  rules  regard- 
ing the  offering  of  animals  are  specified  (vv.  26-30), 
and  then  there  is  the  usual  exhortation  (vv.  31  ff.)- 

The  set  feasts  to  be  observed  by  the  Hebrews  are 


THE  PENTA  TEUCH  67 

tabulated  in  c.  xxiii.  There  is  the  Sabbath  (v.  3),  the 
Passover  (v.  5),  Unleavened  Bread  (vv.  6-8),  First 
Fruits  (vv.  9-14),  Feast  of  Weeks  (vv.  15-22),  New 
Year  (vv.  23-25),  Day  of  Atonement  (vv.  26-32), 
and  the  Feast  of  Booths  (vv.  33-36,  39-44).  Certain 
provisions  are  made  for  each  festival,  but  the  main 
injunction  is  to  refrain  from  labor  on  the  feast  days. 

Chapter  xxiv  ordains  the  perpetual  light  in  the  tab- 
ernacle (vv.  14;  V.  2f.,  repeating  Ex.  xxvii,  20  f.);  the 
placing  of  the  shew-bread  (vv.  59;  cf.  Ex.  xxv,  30; 
xl,  23);  and  describes  the  origin  of  the  law  against 
blasphemy  in  the  incident  of  the  half-breed  (vv.  10- 
16,  23).  There  are  appended  certain  laws  about  in- 
jury, including  the  famous  lex  talionis  (vv.  17-22). 

Chapter  xxv  treats  of  the  sabbatical  year,  when  the 
land  was  to  lie  fallow  (vv.  1-7,  20-22),  and  in  much 
fuller  terms  of  the  year  of  jubilee  (vv.  8-19,  23-55). 
The  year  of  jubilee  was  designed  to  prevent  the  perpet- 
ual alienation  of  land  and  perpetual  slavery  of  He- 
brews. The  law  contains  other  provisions  for  the  bene- 
fit of  the  impoverished,  providing  for  the  redemption 
of  land  (vv.  24-28),  and  of  houses  (vv.  29-34),  and  of 
slaves  (vv.  47-55).  There  is  no  reference  to  this  law 
save  in  P  (Lev.  xxvii,  I7f.-23f. ;  Num.  xxxvi,  4),  and 
it  is  maintained  by  some  that  it  was  only  ideal  legis- 
lation like  Ezekiel's.  As  P  refers  to  it  as  a  well- 
known  institution,  and  as  it  occupies  such  prominence 
in  the  Holiness  code,  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that 
there  must  be  some  reality  back  of  it.  The  law  in 
parts  is  different  from  Deuteronomy,  and  has  been 


68  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

worked  over  by  later  hands ;  but  in  substance  it  is 
early,  and  may  contain  an  interesting  sample  of  the 
land  laws  of  the  Israelites.  It  may  be  noted  that  it 
is  said  that  this  law  was  revealed  to  Moses  on  Mt. 
Sinai,  not  in  the  tabernacle  (v.  i). 

Chapter  xxvi  contains  a  brief  law  against  idolatry, 
and  on  the  Sabbath  (vv.  i,  2),  but  in  the  main  is  an 
exhortation  to  obey  the  laws  of  this  code,  containing 
promises  of  rich  blessings  if  the  laws  are  kept  (vv. 
3-13),  and  of  dire  woes,  including  exile,  if  they  are 
disobeyed  (vv.  14-45).  The  chapter  concludes  with  a 
subscription  to  the  whole  code  of  Holiness  (v,  46), 
saying  that  the  laws  were  given  in  Sinai. 

3.  The  concluding  portion  of  the  book  comprises 
but  a  single  chapter,  xxvii.  There  are  two  subjects 
covered,  vows  (vv.  1-21),  and  tithes  (vv.  30-33).  pro- 
vision is  made  for  the  commutation  of  vows  by  a 
money  payment.  In  the  case  of  persons,  the  male  is 
valued  at  practicaly  double  the  female,  and  the  price 
ranges  from  fifty  shekels  for  an  adult  male  to  three 
shekels  for  a  female  infant.  The  price  varies  accord- 
ing to  age  as  well  as  according  to  sex.  In  case  of 
cattle,  commutation  was  allowed  only  for  the  unclean. 
The  tithe  can  be  commuted  only  by  adding  a  fifth 
to  its  value.  The  final  verse  is  the  subscription  to 
the  whole  book  or  to  the  Levitical  code,  excluding 

cc.  xvii-xxvi. 

Numbers 

Unlike  the  other  four  books  of  the  Pentateuch,  the 
book  of  Numbers  has  not  preserved  the  Greek  title, 


THE  PENTATEUCH  69 

but  a  Latin  translation  of  it.  The  name  comes  from 
the  numbering  of  the  Israelites,  with  which  the  book 
opens.  The  common  Hebrew  title  bemidhbar'x^  really 
more  appropriate,  as  it  means  "in  the  desert." 

The  book  of  Numbers  covers  the  period  of  the  forty 
years'  wandering  in  the  desert,  beginning  at  Sinai 
and  ending  in  Moab.  The  contents  are  quite  mis- 
cellaneous and  loosely  connected  so  far  as  subject  is 
concerned.  It  is  convenient  to  follow  Gray  (^Int.  Crit, 
Co7nm.)  and  divide  the  book  into  three  sections,  ac- 
cording to  the  geographical  position  of  the  people. 

I.  At  Stuai  (i-x,  lo).  This  section  is  wholly  from 
P,  from  which  source  about  three-fourths  of  the  whole 
book  is  taken.  This  part  is  closely  related  to  Ex. 
xix-xl  and  Leviticus,  as  we  are  still  dealing  with 
events  that  befell  at  Sinai.  First  a  census  was  ordered 
of  all  males  over  20  years  of  age,  and  so  qualified  for 
war.  A  representative  of  each  tribe  joins  in  the 
enumeration,  and  the  total  of  all  tribes  (exclusive  of 
Levi)  is  603,550  (v.  46),  naturally  an  impossibly 
large  figure  (see  further  in  Gray,  p.  iiff.).  The  Le- 
vites  were  excepted  because  their  duties  were  con- 
nected with  the  tabernacle  (vv.  47-54). 

The  camp  is  described  in  c.  ii,  in  which  is  given 
the  position  of  the  various  tribes  in  the  camp.  The 
camp  is  assumed  to  be  a  square.  In  the  center  is  the 
tent  of  meeting  surrounded  by  the  Levites;  on  the 
east  are  Judah,  Issachar,  and  Zebulun;  on  the  south 
Reuben,  Gad,    and  Simeon;   on  the  west  Ephraim, 


70  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

Manasseh,  and  Benjamin;  and  on  the  north  Dan, 
Asher,  and  Naphtali.  It  will  be  noted  that  the  tribes 
are  grouped,  as  near  as  may  be,  by  their  mothers. 

The  position  and  office  of  the  Levites  are  taken  up 
in  cc.  iii,  iv.  The  Levites  are  subordinate  to  the 
priests  (iii,  i-io),  and  they  are  substitutes  for  the 
first-born  of  all  the  tribes  (iii,  11-13).  There  were 
22,000  Levites,  and  22,273  o^  the  first-born,  and  for 
each  one  of  the  273  in  excess  of  the  Levites  a  redemp- 
tion of  five  shekels  was  paid  to  the  priests  (iii,  40-51). 
The  three  divisions  of  the  Levites  are  enumerated, 
the  position  in  the  camp  and  the  duty  of  each  part 
assigned  (iii,  14-33).  Considering  the  large  numbers 
and  the  small  responsibility,  this  tribe  would  have  had 
an  easy  life.  Chapter  4  is  very  diffuse  in  its  descrip- 
tion of  the  duties  of  the  priests  and  of  the  three  Le- 
vi tical  families,  the  Kohathites,  the  Gershonites  and 
the  Merarites.  The  duties  named  are  those  involved 
in  the  moving  of  the  tabernacle  when  the  people  are 
on  the  march.  There  is  also  a  further  census  of  the 
Levites  from  30  to  50  years  of  age,  the  period  of  ac- 
tive service,  and  the  total  number  is  8,580. 

Then  we  come  to  a  body  of  laws  (cc.  v,  vi).  Certain 
unclean  persons  are  to  be  excluded  altogether  from 
the  camp  (v,  1-4).  Some  dues  to  the  priests  are  de- 
fined (v,  5-10).  The  law  of  ordeal  to  which  a  sus- 
pected wife  was  subjected  is  very  minutely  described 
in  v,  11-31.  The  main  point  is  the  drinking  of  bitter 
water  under  a  curse  which  would  make  her  body  swell 
if  guilty,  but  would  have  no  effect  upon  the  innocent. 


THE  PENTATEUCH  71 

This  law  brings  Hebrew  usage  into  close  touch  with 
similar  laws  of  ordeal  prevalent  among  most  of  the 
half-civilized  nations  of  the  world.  The  law  of  the 
Nazarites  appears  in  vi,  1-21,  and  finally  there  is  the 
formula  for  the  priestly  blessing  (vi,  22-27),  which 
has  found  a  place  in  the  American  Prayer  Book. 

The  offerings  made  by  the  heads  of  the  various 
tribes  are  described  in  vii,  1-88.  It  is  assumed  that 
these  were  made  directly  after  the  erection  of  the 
tabernacle  (v,  i),  and  so  earlier  than  cc.  i-iv.  Yet, 
at  several  points,  cc.  i-iv  are  presupposed,  especially 
in  regard  to  the  use  of  the  wagons  by  some  of  the 
Levites.  Moses  now  receives  further  revelations 
through  a  voice  which  speaks  from  above  the  mercy- 
seat  (vii,  89),  giving  directions  about  the  lamps  of 
the  tabernacle  (viii,  1-4),  and  about  the  consecration 
of  the  Levites  (viii,  5-22;  in  part  a  repetition  of  iii, 
11-13).  The  period  of  service  for  the  Levites  is  pre- 
scribed as  from  25  to  50  years  of  age  (viii,  23-26),  as 
against  30  to  50  in  iv,  3,  23,  30,  an  evidence  that  the 
laws  represent  the  usage  of  different  periods. 

The  Passover  was  celebrated  while  the  people  were 
encamped  at  Sinai  (ix  1-5),  but  certain  unclean  per- 
sons were  barred  from  the  site  and  they  laid  their  case 
before  Moses  (ix,  6-8).  By  Jahveh's  direction  Moses 
orders  the  "Little  Passover"  to  be  kept,  in  the  second 
month,  by  those  deprived  of  the  first.  The  date  in 
V,  I  (first  month)  goes  back  to  a  period  antecedent 
to  i,  I  (second  month),  but  the  main  point  is  the  sup- 
plementary celebration  which  did  fall  in  the  second 


72  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

month.  In  ix,  15-23  are  repeated  the  directions  for 
moving  the  camp  according  to  the  movements  of  the 
cloud  over  the  tabernacle  (cf.  Ex.  xl,  34-38).  Finally, 
in  x,  i-io,  there  is  an  account  of  the  two  silver  trump- 
ets which  were  blown  by  the  priests  for  various  sig- 
nals, among  others  for  the  moving  of  the  camp. 

In  part,  cc.  i-x,  10  serve  as  a  fitting  introduction  to 
what  follows:  for  it  is  largely  devoted  to  the  encamp- 
ment and  to  the  duties  of  various  tribes  when  a 
journey  is  to  be  made.  From  the  dates  in  i,  i  and 
X,  II  it  appears  that  the  period  covered  in  this  section 
is  nineteen  days. 

2.  In  the  wilderness  of  Paran  (x,  ii-xxi,  9).  The 
journey  from  Sinai  to  Paran  is  described  in  x,  11-28, 
the  movement  being  in  accordance  with  the  directions 
previously  given.  Then  we  come  to  a  section  from 
JE  (x,  29-xii),  it  being  unnecessary  and  often  impos- 
sible to  separate  J  from  E.  Hobab,  Moses'  brother- 
in-law,  is  secured  as  guide  (x,  29-32).  In  this  source 
the  ark  of  the  covenant  is  prominent,  and  the  ritual 
for  its  moving  and  stopping  is  described  (x,  33-36). 
The  complaints  of  the  people  are  heard  again,  some 
of  them  being  destroyed  by  the  fire  of  Jahveh  at 
Taberah  (xi,  1-3).  Then  in  response  to  the  outcries 
of  the  hungry  people,  weary  of  manna,  a  vast  number 
of  quails  appear,  and  a  plague  follows  the  greedy 
devouring  of  their  flesh  (xi,  4-35).  Inwoven  is  the 
story  of  the  appointment  of  seventy  elders  to  form  a 
council  for  Moses,  and  the  curious   episode  of   the 


THE  PENTATEUCH  73 

prophesying  of  Eldad  and  Medad,  which  Joshua  re- 
garded as  rebellion  against  his  chief. 

Aaron  and  Miriam  rebel  against  Moses  on  the  basis 
of  his  marriage  to  a  Cushite,  and  his  assumption  of 
supreme  authority  (xii  1-3).  Miriam  alone  is  pun- 
ished by  the  plague  of  leprosy,  which,  however,  is  re- 
moved at  Moses'  intercession  (xii,  4-15).  In  the 
original  form  of  the  story,  Miriam  alone  may  have 
rebelled.  The  point  is  the  vindication  of  Moses' 
supreme  and  unique  position,  differentiating  him  from 
prophets  of  the  Eldad  and  Medad  type  (vv.  6-8). 
The  section  closes  with  a  statement  of  the  arrival  of 
the  tribes  at  Paran  (v,  16;  cf.  P  x,  12). 

There  is  a  composite  account  of  the  mission  of  the 
spies  or  scouts  in  cc.  xiii,  xiv.  It  is  necessary  to 
analyze  here  to  escape  confusion,  and  then  we  find 
that  each  story  is  quite  complete  in  itself.  P's  por- 
tion is  xiii,  1-17^,  21,  25-26^,  32^;  xiv,  i,  2,  5-7,  10, 
26-30,  34-38  (Driver).  The  rest  belongs  to  E.  P's 
story  is  that  twelve  chiefs  of  tribes  are  sent  out  from 
Paran  and  in  the  course  of  forty  days  they  go  through 
the  whole  land.  They  bring  back  an  evil  report  that 
Canaan  was  "a  land  that  devoured  its  inhabitants" 
(xiii,  32),  i.e.,  is  too  poor  to  support  its  population. 
The  multitude,  disheartened  by  this  report,  are  cry- 
ing out  when  two  of  the  scouts,  Joshua  and  Caleb, 
bring  in  a  minority  report  that  the  land  is  good.  The 
people  are  so  incensed  that  they  are  ready  to  stone 
the  two  scouts.  Jahveh  now  speaks  to  Moses,  con- 
demning the  people  to  the  forty  years'  wandering,  a 


74  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

year  for  a  day  (xiv,  34).  All  the  scouts  except  Josh- 
ua and  Caleb  die  by  the  plague.  JE  differs  chiefly 
in  that  the  scouts  start  from  Kadesh,  they  explore 
only  the  southern  part  of  the  country  about  Hebron, 
their  report  about  the  land  is  favorable,  but  the  inhab- 
itants they  regard  as  invincible,  and  Caleb  alone  en- 
courages the  people  and  is  excepted  from  the  gen- 
eral punishment.  In  JE  the  repentant  people  move 
against  Canaan  contrary  to  Moses'  advice,  and  are 
driven  back  by  the  Amalekites  (xiv,  39-45). 

This  incident  is  important  in  the  history.  The 
Hebrews  had  travelled  from  Egypt  and  had  reached 
the  southern  borders  of  the  country  which  was  their 
goal.  The  natural  point  from  which  to  make  the  in- 
vasion is  that  at  which  they  had  now  arrived.  It  was 
evidently  Moses'  intention  to  advance  directly  into 
Canaan.  But  it  was  an  unknown  land  to  him  or  to 
Hobab  his  guide.  Scouts  are  sent  ahead  to  explore. 
Their  report,  in  both  versions  unfavorable  in  one  way 
or  another,  takes  the  heart  out  of  the  people,  and 
makes  an  immediate  invasion  impossible.  Yet  it  is 
not  unlikely  that  Judah,  with  the  help  of  Caleb's 
powerful  clan,  did  at  some  time  invade  Canaan  from 
the  south,  for  Hebron  was  one  of  its  earliest  posses- 
sions. 

Another  group  of  laws  is  collected  in  c.  xv,  all  from 
P.  Meal-offerings  and  wine '  were  to  accompany  burnt 
sacrifices,  the  law  applying  to  strangers  and  natives 

^The  use  of  wine  in  the  sacrifices  shows  the  later  additions  to 
the  laws.     In  the  early  days  the  use  of  wine  was  disapproved. 


THE  PENT  A  TE  UCH  75 

alike  (vv.  i-6).  Provision  is  made  for  the  heave- 
offering  (vv.  17-21),  and  for  the  sin-offering  (vv.  22- 
31 ;  cf.  Lev.  iv,  13-21).  A  man  is  executed  for  gather- 
ing wood  on  the  Sabbath  (vv.  32-36).  All  garments 
must  have  tassels  as  a  reminder  of  the  divine  com- 
mandments (vv.  37-41). 

Then  we  come  to  the  memorable  rebellion  of  Korah, 
Dathan,  and  Abiram  (cc.  xvi,  xvii).  The  source  is 
mainly  P,  but  there  are  fragments  of  JE  (xvi,  1^-2^, 
12-15,  25,  26,  27^-34).  There  is  a  vast  difference 
among  the  sources.  In  JE  we  are  dealing  with  a  re- 
bellion of  Dathan  and  Abiram,  two  Reubenites,  against 
the  supreme  authority  of  Moses.  Reuben  was  Jacob's 
first-born,  and  this  tribe  claims  the  leadership.  The 
rebels  are  swallowed  up  in  an  earthquake  (xvi,  31  f.), 
striking  terror  into  the  hearts  of  the  people  (xvi,  34). 
In  P  there  are  two  sources.  Korah  is  the  sole  leader 
of  the  rebellion,  for  Dathan  and  Abiram  are  har- 
monistic  additions  in  xvi,  24,  27,  Korah  alone  being 
mentioned  elsewhere.  The  rebellion  is  raised  against 
the  exclusive  priestly  rights  of  the  tribe  of  Levi, 
finally  established  by  the  budding  of  Aaron's  rod, 
(c.  xvii ;  cf.  vxi,  41-50).  In  another  and  later  strand  of 
P  the  rebellion  of  Korah  is  raised  against  the  exclusive 
Aaronic  priesthood,  the  claim  being  that  all  Levites 
are  priests  (xvi,  10).  Korah  and  his  rebellious  com- 
pany are  destroyed  by  fire  from  Jahveh  (xvi,  35). 

These  stories  picture  the  actual  historical  develop- 
ment of  the  Jewish  priesthood.  At  first  any  person 
might  be  a  priest,  though  the  Levites  were  preferred 


76  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

(cf.  Judg.  xvii,  13).  Then  all  Levites  were  priests 
and  no  others  (so  in  Deut.).  Finally  the  Levites  be- 
came subordinate  to  the  priests  (in  the  post-exilic 
period;  cf.  Ezr.-Neh.). 

The  rebellion  of  Korah  prepares  the  way  for  the 
laws  in  c.  xviii  (P),  defining  the  respective  duties  of 
the  priests  and  Levites  (vv.  1-7)  and  their  respective 
dues,  those  of  the  priests  (vv.  8-20),  those  of  the  Le- 
vites (vv.  21-24).  Finally  there  is  the  requirement 
that  the  Levites  shall  give  a  tithe  of  their  tithes  to 
the  priests  (vv.  25-32;  cf.  Neh.  x,  38). 

The  various  ways  in  which  uncleanness  is  con- 
tracted in  connection  with  the  dead  are  described  in 
c.  xix  (P),  and  the  means  of  purification  by  ''the  water 
of  impurity,"  made  with  the  ashes  of  a  red  heifer  (vv. 
i-io).  It  is  not  difficult  to  see  wise  sanitary  precau- 
tions in  this  as  in  many  other  Hebrew  laws. 

The  narrative  is  resumed  now,  and  again  we  have 
a  composite  story.  The  camp  moves  to  Kadesh,  south 
of  the  Dead  Sea,  where  there  is  trouble  again  about 
water,  and  where  Moses  smote  the  rock  instead  of 
speaking  to  it  as  commanded  (xx,  1-13).  Moses  and 
Aaron  are  condemned,  because  of  unbelief  (xx,  12), 
or  because  of  rebellion  according  to  xx,  24;  xxvii,  14, 
though  it  is  impossible  in  the  sources  to  tell  what 
their  sin  was  (cf.  the  account  in  Deut.  iii,  23-28).  At 
Kadesh  Miriam  died. 

The  forty  years'  wandering  is  now  over,  though 
we  have  no  history  of  that  period  at  all,  and  Israel 
now  starts  to  move  against  Canaan  from   the   east. 


THE  PENT  A  TE  UCH  77 

Permission  to  pass  through  the  land  of  Edom  is  re- 
fused (xx,  14-21  JE).  The  people  reach  Mt.  Hor, 
on  the  Edomite  border;  there  Aaron  dies  and  is  suc- 
ceeded by  his  son  Eleazar  (xx,  22-29  ?)•  At  Hormah 
there  was  a  battle  with  Canaanites  in  which  Israel 
was  victorious  (xxi,  1-3).  On  the  long  journey 
around  the  land  of  Edom  the  people  suffered  from 
the  bites  of  serpents,  from  which  they  are  cured  by 
the  bronze  serpent  erected  by  Moses  (xxi,  4-9),  and 
for  centuries  an  object  of  worship  (2  Ki.  xviii,  4). 

3.  Israel  on  the  east  of  the  Jordaji  (xxi,  lo-xxxvi). 
There  is  first  a  list  of  the  places  passed  on  the  jour- 
ney (xxi,  10-12),  a  section  in  which  are  two  short 
poems,  one  from  the  collecton  called  The  Wa7's  of 
Jahveh.  Permission  to  pass  through  the  land  of  the 
Amorites  is  refused  (xxi,  21-23).  Going  around  is 
not  possible,  as  in  the  case  of  Edom,  and  a  battle  en- 
sued by  which  Israel  gained  possession  of  the  country 
of  Moab,  a  battle  commemorated  in  the  song  of 
Heshbon  (w.  27-30).  Og,  the  king  of  Bashan,  was 
next  encountered,  and  he  was  beaten  and  his  territory 
wrested  from  him,  so  that  Israel  at  last  has  a  firm 
hold  in  a  fertile  land  (xxi,  33-xxii,  i). 

Then  we  come  to  the  interesting  story  of  Balaam 
(xxii,  2-xxiv),  all  from  JE,  and  cf.  the  sequel  in  c. 
xxxi,  especially  vv.  8,  16.  Balak,  the  king  of  Moab, 
feared  aggression  from  the  victorious  Israelites,  and 
he  employed  the  famous  soothsayer  Balaam  to  cripple 
them  with  a  curse.     Balaam  comes   from  Pethor  on 


THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


the  Euphrates,  or  from  the  land  of  the  Ammonites 
(according  to  an  emended  text  of  xxii,  5,  on  which  see 
Gray,  Int.  Crit.  Co7nm.),  but  he  is  a  prophet  of  Jahveh 
and  speaks  in  his  name.  In  spite  of  the  seer's  most 
heroic  efforts,  he  is  in  all  of  his  oracles  constrained 
to  pronounce  only  blessings  upon  Israel  and  curses 
upon  his  enemies. 

The  story  of  Balaam  is  obvious  composite,  though 
the  analysis  is  in  parts  difficult.  A  single  point  may 
be  noted.  In  xx,  20  f.  Jahveh  gives  Balaam  permis- 
sion to  heed  Balak's  invitation  and  he  starts  on  his 
journey  to  Moab  accompanied  by  the  princes  of 
Balak.  In  xx,  22  he  is  travelling  with  his  own  two 
servants,  and  as  God  is  angry  with  him,  he  must 
have  started  contrary  to  the  divine  will.  The  sequel 
in  c.  xxxi,  according  to  which  Balaam  had  enticed 
the  Israelites  to  sin,  hoping  thus  to  bring  them  to 
destruction  by  divine  judgment,  represents  a  later 
and  independent  tradition. 

The  oracles  are  a  series  of  early  poems,  pointing 
out,  as  the  series  rises  to  a  climax,  the  growing  power 
and  greatness  of  Israel,  and  the  downfall  of  their  foes. 

The  Moabitish  women  came  near  being  the  undo- 
ing of  Israel,  but  the  hanging  of  the  offenders  saved 
the  day  (xxv,  1-5  JE  ).  P  contains  a  parallel  story 
in  which  Phinehas  slays  an  Israelite  and  his  Midianite 
partner,  and  is  rewarded  with  the  promise  of  the 
priesthood  in  his  family.  His  act  stays  a  plague 
which  was  devastating  Israel  (xxv,  6-18). 

There  follows  a  long  section  solidly  from  P,   cc. 


THE  PENTATEUCH  79 

xxvi-xxxi.  Chapter  xxvi  describes  a  second  census, 
the  results  being  practically  the  same  as  in  that  made 
forty  years  earlier.  Stress  is  laid  upon  the  fact  that 
this  was  an  entirely  new  generation  (v.  64).  The 
laws  of  inheritance  are  worked  out  as  the  result  of  an 
appeal  to  Moses  by  the  daughters  of  Zelophehad,  it 
being  ordered  that  in  the  absence  of  sons  daughters 
could  inherit  land  (xxvii,  i-ii).  Moses  is  then 
warned  of  his  approaching  death,  and,  following  his 
petition,  he  is  bidden  appoint  Joshua  as  his  successor 
(xxvii,  12-23). 

In  cc.  xxviii,  xxix  there  is  another  list  of  the  sacred 
seasons,  which  is  an  elaboration  of  the  table  in  Levit- 
icus xxiii.  But  xxviii,  3-8  is  repeated  from  Exodus 
xxix,  38-42.  The  law  of  vows  is  found  in  c.  xxx. 
Any  vow  that  a  man  makes  is  binding,  but  a  woman's 
vow  is  only  binding  if  it  has  the  sanction  of  her 
father,  or,  in  case  she  is  married,  of  her  husband.  A 
war  with  Midian  (c.  xxxi ;  cf.  xxv,  16  ff.)  serves  as 
the  basis  for  the  laws  for  the  distribution  of  booty 
taken  in  war. 

The  last  section  of  the  history  is  contained  in  c. 
xxxii,  and  here  JE  and  P  are  so  entangled  that  sep- 
aration is  practically  impossible.  It  is  noticeable 
that  this  story  only  knows  Reuben  and  Gad  as  appli- 
cants for  the  land  on  the  east  of  the  Jordan,  the  half- 
tribe  of  Manasseh  appearing  first  in  v.  33,  a  late  har- 
monistic  gloss,  for  here  Moses  apparently  gives  the 
land  voluntarily,  as  in  Deut.  iii,  12-21.  In  vv.  39-42 
there  seems  to  be  a  fragment  older  than  J  or  E,  rep- 


80  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

resenting  the  conquest  as  the  result  of  clan  move- 
ments, quite  after  the  fashion  described  in  the  old 
source  preserved  in  Judg.  i. 

The  rest  of  the  book  is  from  P.  In  xxxiii,  1-49 
there  is  a  list  of  the  stations  passed  in  the  whole 
journey  from  Egypt  to  the  plains  of  Moab,  the  story 
of  Aaron's  death  being  repeated  (vv.  38  f.).  Direc- 
tions are  given  for  the  destruction  of  all  idolatrous 
objects  in  the  land  of  Canaan,  and  for  the  assignment 
of  the  land  by  lot  (xxxiii,  50-56).  The  boundaries  of 
Canaan  are  given,  and  the  names  of  the  twelve  princes 
who  with  Eleazar  and  Joshua  are  to  constitute  the 
committee  of  allotment  (xxxiv).  Directions  are 
given  that  forty-eight  cities  shall  be  assigned  to  the 
Levites  (xxxv,  1-8),  of  which  six,  three  on  each  side 
of  the  Jordan,  are  to  be  * 'cities  of  refuge,"  the  laws 
concerning  which  are  given  (xxxv,  9-34).  Finally  a 
law  is  issued  to  provide  for  the  retention  of  tribal 
land,  directing  that  women  holding  land  shall  marry 
in  their  own  tribe  (xxxvi,  1-12).  This  law  grows  out 
of  the  law  in  xxvii,  8-1 1.  The  book  ends  with  a 
general  subscription  (xxxvi,  13). 

Deuteronomy 

When  this  book  was  first  published  in  621  B.C.,  it 
produced  the  greatest  sensation  of  any  work  in  He- 
brew literature.  For  a  very  long  period  the  book  ex- 
ercised a  tremendous  influence  upon  Hebrew  thought, 
even  if  it  soon  lost  its  hold  on  the  life.  No  person, 
writing  after  the  appearance  of  Deuteronomy,  could 


THE  PENT  A  TE  UCH  8 1 

be  quite  unimpressed  by  its  memorable  phrases  and 
style. 

The  story  of  the  publication  of  Deuteronomy  is 
told  in  2  Kings  xxii.  The  book  found  in  the  tem- 
ple must  have  been  Deuteronomy  v-xxvi,  xxviii,  or 
possibly  only  cc.  xii-xxvi.  The  whole  Pentateuch 
would  be  too  long  for  the  quick  reading  described, 
and  the  effect  upon  king  and  people  could  only  be 
produced  by  a  code  of  laws  which  were  a  unit. 
The  whole  Pentateuch  would  only  produce  confusion. 
Moreover,  Josiah's  reforms,  to  which  the  reading 
of  the  book  led,  are  all  based  on  the  Deuteronomic 
code. 

It  is  very  probable  that  Deuteronomy  had  been 
composed  in  the  reign  of  Manasseh,  and  as  his  reign 
was  a  time  of  persecution,  the  book  was  held  back  for 
more  auspicious  days.  Meanwhile  the  author  died 
and  his  work  was  forgotten,  until  discovered  in  the 
house-cleaning  at  the  temple. 

In  form  the  book  is  cast  in  a  series  of  three  dis- 
courses put  in  the  mouth  of  Moses,  because  he  was 
the  great  lawgiver.  There  is  a  mixture  of  narrative 
and  legal  material,  but  there  is  one  peculiar  note 
running  through  the  whole,  that  is,  its  parenetic  aim. 
The  author  of  this  book  was  not  content  to  state  what 
the  laws  were,  but  at  every  point  pleads  with  the 
people  to  obey  the  law  of  God. 

For  our  study,  which  can  deal  only  with  general 
matters,  the  book  will  be  divided  into  three  parts. 


82  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

1.  The  first  discourse  (i-iv). — The  introduction  is 
found  in  i,  1-5,  claiming  that  the  address  was  made 
in  the  land  of  Moab,  forty  years  after  the  exodus. 
Hence  the  appropriate  place  of  the  book  between 
Numbers  and  Joshua.  Moses'  address  (i,  6-iv,  40)  is 
a  review  of  the  history  from  the  exodus  to  the  con- 
quest of  the  land  east  of  the  Jordan.  The  matter  is 
parallel  to  that  in  Exodus-Numbers,  and  it  is  interest- 
ing to  note  that  at  every  point  the  statements  are 
based  upon  JE  and  never  once  upon  P.  It  is  true  that 
sometimes  there  is  divergence  from  the  earlier  sources : 
thus  Moses  himself  proposed  the  appointment  of  sub- 
sidiary judges  (v.  19  ff. ;  Jethro  did  this  according  to 
Ex.  xviii).  The  sending  of  spies  was  suggested  by  the 
people  (i,  22),  and  Moses  is  punished  for  the  fault  of 
the  people  (iii,  26;  iv,  21),  not  for  his  own  unbelief 
or  rebellion  (cf.  Num.  xx).  In  iv,  41-43  the  cities  of 
refuge  are  named,  and  iv,  44-49  is  a  general  summary. 

It  is  held  by  some  scholars  that  cc.  i-iv  are  by  a 
different  author  from  that  of  cc.  v-xxvi,  xxviii.  The 
question  is  largely  academic,  for  the  spirit  of  the  two 
sections  is  the  same. 

2.  Moses'  second  discourse  (v-xxvi ii),  embracing 
the  code  of  laws. — The  laws  proper  are  contained  in  cc. 
xii-xxvi,  and  cc.  v-xi  are  the  introduction,  exhorting 
the  people  to  obey  the  law,  laying  stress  upon  the 
blessings  which  will  follow  obedience  and  the  evils 
which  will  result  from  disregard  of  the  laws,  culmi- 
nating in  the  blessing  upon  Mount  Gerizim  and  the 


THE  PENTATEUCH  83 

curse  upon  Mount  Ebal  (xi,  26-32).  The  discourse 
is  intensely  monotheistic,  emphazing  the  divinity  of 
Jahveh  alone,  and  in  every  way  forbidding  adherence 
to  any  heathen  idols.  From  this  motive  the  Hebrews 
were  commanded  to  destroy  the  foreigners  they  would 
find  in  the  land  of  Canaan,  and  forbidden  to  inter- 
marry with  them  (vii,  1-6).  The  goodness  of  Jahveh 
to  Israel  is  illustrated  by  a  review  of  some  of  the 
events  in  the  last  forty  years,  and  from  the  same 
source  the  wickedness  of  the  people  is  pointed  out  as 
a  solemn  warning. 

In  this  section  we  find  the  Deuteronomic  version 
of  the  decalogue,  and  the  story  of  its  origin  is  told  at 
great  length  (v,  ix,  9-x,  5).  There  are  many  verbal 
differences  between  the  two  versions  of  the  decalogue. 
That  in  Exodus  xx  has  been  used  so  exclusively  in 
Christian  teaching  that  this  version  is  looked  upon  as 
an  intruder.  There  is  one  point  in  which  the  differ- 
ence is  pretty  radical,  that  is  in  the  motive  for  ob- 
serving the  Sabbath  day.  The  accepted  version  bases 
the  obligation  on  a  statement  no  longer  regarded  as 
true,  that  the  world  was  created  in  six  days,  and  yet 
we  go  on  saying  this  in  our  most  solemn  liturgy  and 
faithfully  teach  it  to  our  children.  The  motive  in 
the  Deuteronomic  version  is  eternally  good,  and  is 
quite  in  the  spirit  of  the  whole  book,  whose  teaching 
aims  at  the  protection  of  the  weaker  classes.  The 
object  of  the  Sabbath  in  this  code  is  to  provide  a  day 
of  rest  for  the  servant  class,  the  very  ones  least  likely 
to  get  it,  even  in  our  day. 


84  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

The  laws  in  xii-xxvi  embrace  many  subjects.  The 
distinctive  feature  of  this  code  comes  at  the  start, — 
the  law  for  a  single  altar.  The  earlier  code  had  per- 
mitted the  erection  of  an  altar  anywhere  (Ex.  xx,  24), 
and  now  but  one  altar  is  allowed  in  the  whole  land 
(xii,  1-14),  and  provision  is  made  accordingly  for  the 
eating  of  non-sacrificial  animals  as  food  (xii,  15-28). 

The  altar  is  to  be  built  at  "  the  place  which  Jahveh  thy  God 
shall  choose  out  of  all  your  tribes  to  put  his  name  there  "  (vv. 
5,  II,  13),  It  has  always  been  assumed  that  Jerusalem  is  meant, 
though  that  city  is  never  named  in  our  book.  Of  late  years  the 
startling  fact  has  been  discovered  that  there  was  a  temple  of 
Jahveh  in  Egypt,  in  the  fifth  century  B.C.,  and  that  it  had  the 
approval  of  the  highest  Jewish  authorities.  The  existence  of 
that  temple  would  be  in  violation  of  the  law  in  Deuteronomy  as 
it  has  been  understood.  It  is  clear,  however,  that  this  code  is 
legislating  for  the  land  of  Canaan,  and  not  for  the  whole  world; 
note  the  words  "out  of  all  your  tribes."  A  second  altar  in  Ca- 
naan would  have  broken  the  law,  but  strictly  the  law  has  noth- 
ing to  say  one  way  or  the  other  about  an  altar  in  Egypt. 

This  code  lays  stress  upon  the  fact  that  there  is  a 
fundamental  law  which  no  man  can  change  (c.  xiii). 
Such  a  law  is  the  first  commandment  of  the  decalogue. 
A  prophet  who  would  abrogate  that  law  is  a  rebel 
against  God,  no  matter  what  powerful  signs  he  may 
be  able  to  work  in  support  of  his  contention.  Here 
we  have  a  near  approach  to  the  standard  of  the  Gos- 
pels (cf.  St.  Matt,  xxiv,  24;  St.  John  iv,  39-42).  We 
may  compare  the  promise  of  a  supreme  prophet  (xviii, 
15-19),  but  even  here  a  test  is  given  by  which  to  dis- 
criminate by  the  character  of  his  message  whether 
the  prophet  is  true  or  false  (xviii,  20-22). 


THE  PENTA  TEUCH  85 

Another  significant  feature  of  this  code  is  the  re- 
striction upon  the  absolute  power  of  the  king  (xvii, 
14-20),  making  the  monarchy  in  Israel  constitutional 
and  not  despotic. 

The  identity  of  priests  and  Levites  appears  in  every 
part  of  this  law.  We  have  repeatedly  the  expression 
**the  priests  the  Levites"  (xvii,  9,  18;  xviii,  1-8; 
xxi,  5 ;  xxiv,  8).  The  appointment  of  the  Levites  to 
the  priesthood  is  distinctly  described  in  x,  8f.,  and 
this  code  knows  no  other  priests.  The  Levites  were 
evidently  a  poor  class  and  not  well  supported  by  dues, 
for  they  are  frequently  named  along  with  orphans  and 
widows  as  worthy  objects  of  charity  (xii,  19;  xiv, 
27,  29;  xvi,  11;  xxvi,  12  f.).  The  reduction  of  the 
Levites  to  a  subordinate  place,  as  set  forth  in  Num- 
bers xvi-xviii,  was  obviously  later  than  621  b.c. 

The  relation  of  this  code  to  that  of  the  Covenant 
(Ex.  xx-xxiii),  and  to  P,  is  interesting.  The  details 
are  carefully  worked  out  by  Driver  {Detit.,  Int.  Crit. 
Comm.).  A  comparative  study  of  the  codes  shows 
beyond  doubt  their  independent  origin.  It  shows 
also  that  Deuteronomy  is  an  expansion  of  the  earlier 
code,  and  is  quite  ignorant  of  many  of  the  regulations 
of  P.  Thus  in  Deuteronomy  there  are  but  three  an- 
nual feasts  (c.  xvi),  Passover,  Weeks,  and  Booths; 
the  Day  of  Atonement  is  never  mentioned.  Slaves 
are  to  be  released  in  the  seventh  year  (xv,  12),  and 
the  year  of  jubilee  (P's  time  of  release)  is  absolutely 
unknown.  That  this  code  is  based  on  the  code  of  the 
Covenant  is  shown  by  numerous  passages  in  which 


86  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

there  is  verbal  identity,  and  by  the  fact  that  nearly 
every  law  of  the  earlier  code  is  repeated,  though  often 
with  a  good  deal  of  modification.  But  there  is  a  large 
amount  of  new  legislation,  as  may  be  seen  by  a  glance 
at  the  table  in  Driver  {Detct.,  p.  iv  ff.).  Examples 
may  be  found  in  the  laws  limiting  military  service 
and  governing  the  treatment  of  conquered  peoples 
(cc.  XX,  xxi,  10-14),  and  in  the  measures  to  be  fol- 
lowed in  case  of  a  murder  when  the  criminal  could 
not  be  found  (xxi,  1-9). 

The  subscription  to  the  code  is  found  in  xxvi,  16- 
19,  and  therefore  it  is  more  or  less  by  violence  that 
cc.  xxvii,  xxviii  are  included  in  this  part.  The  latter 
is  an  expansion  of  the  promises  and  threats  which 
run  through  the  introductory  discourse.  Every 
manner  of  blessing  is  promised  the  people  if  they  keep 
the  code  (vv.  1-14),  and  language  is  scarcely  adequate 
to  depict  the  curses  that  will  fall  upon  the  people 
otherwise  (vv.  15-68).  Chapter  xxvii  is  probably  an 
independent  production,  providing  for  the  record  of 
the  laws  upon  Mount  Ebal,  and  making  a  code  of  its 
own,  embracing  twelve  laws  emphasized  with  the  im- 
precations of  the  Levites.  Six  of  the  sins  named  in 
vv.  18,  21-26,  are  not  mentioned  in  the  Deuteronomic 
code;  nine  of  them  are  found  in  the  law  of  Holiness 
(Lev.  xvii-xxvi),  and  five  appear  in  the  code  of  the 
Covenant  (Driver,  Deut.^  p.  299). 

3.  (xxix-xxxiv. )— The  material  in  this  part  is  quite 
diverse  in  character.      First,  there  is  the  third  dis- 


THE  PENTATEUCH  87 

course  of  Moses  (xxix,  2^-xxx),  developing  the  idea 
of  the  blessing  and  the  curse,  the  way  of  life  and  the 
way  of  death,  and  appealing  to  the  people  to  secure 
good  to  themselves  in  the  only  possible  way, — by  obey- 
ing the  law.  There  is  a  plain  hint  of  the  exile  in  the 
promise  of  restoration  on  condition  of  fidelity  to  the 
laws  of  God  (xxx,  i-io).  In  xxxi,  i-8  we  have  Moses' 
final  appeal  to  the  people  and  to  Joshua,  in  view  of  the 
shortly  expected  advance  across  the  Jordan.  Moses 
writes  out  the  law,  gives  it  to  the  priests,  the  sons  of 
Levi,  with  instructions  that  it  be  publicly  read  in  the 
year  of  release  (xxxi,  9-13,  24-26).  Joshua  receives 
his  commission  (xxxi,  14  f.,  23),  and  Moses  is  directed 
to  compose  a  song  to  prove  his  forecast  of  the  evil  of 
which  the  people  would  be  guilty  after  his  death,  and 
as  a  witness  to  God's  power  and  fidelity  (xxxi,  16- 
22,  27-30;  xxxii,  44-47).  The  song  follows  in  xxxii,  i- 
43.  The  theme  is  stated  in  vv.  4-6.  The  poem  re- 
views the  history  of  Israel  to  demonstrate  that  the 
cause  of  the  evils  which  have  befallen  Israel  are  not 
due  to  any  defect  in  God,  but  to  the  moral  defects  in 
the  people.  The  song  is  quite  of  a  type  with  the 
first  two  discourses  of  Moses  in  cc.  i,  ii.  The  date  of 
the  poem  can  only  be  determined  approximately.  It 
abounds  with  the  theology  and  conceptions  of  the 
prophets,  and  seems  to  me  to  show  marked  affini- 
ties with  deutero-Isaiah  (Is.  xl-lxvi).    The  nation  has 


■^  Chapter  xxix,  i  really  belongs  to  c.  xxviii,  and  is  thus  joined 
in  the  Hebrew  text. 


\ 

88  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

reached  a  point  when  heavy  disaster  has  overtaken 
them,  from  which  deliverance  is  promised,  and  that 
disaster  may  well  be  the  Babylonian  exile.  Most 
writers,  however,  date  the  poem  in  the  late  pre-exilic 
period. 

The  Blessing  of  Moses  in  c.  xxxiii  is  composed  on 
the  same  model  as  that  of  Jacob  (Gen.  xlix),  in  that 
each  tribe  (except  Simeon)  is  named  separately. 
There  is,  however,  in  this  poem  an  introduction  (vv. 
2-5)  and  a  conclusion  (vv.  26-29).  The  tone  of  the 
blessing  is  optimistic  throughout,  so  that  it  may  well 
be  dated  in  the  prosperous  and  happy  days  of  Israel. 
We  note  the  relative  prominence  of  the  Levites,  and 
that  is  the  priestly  tribe.  Joseph  also  is  exalted  be- 
cause of  his  large  share  in  the  conquest  of  Canaan 
(cf.  Judg.  i,  22  ff.).  The  absence  of  any  mention  of 
Simeon  suggests  a  time  after  that  tribe  was  absorbed 
into  Judah  (Judg.  i,  3).  The  poem  is  certainly  pre- 
exilic,  and  earlier  than  the  body  of  Deuteronomy. 

The  Blessing  appears  appropriately  in  the  midst  of 
the  story  of  Moses'  death,  the  warning  of  which  is 
found  in  xxxii,  48-52,  and  the  history  in  c.  xxxiv. 
The  book  closes  with  an  appreciation  of  Moses  (xxxiv, 
10-12)  that  is  not  exaggerated,  even  though  we  realize 
that  most  of  the  writings  attributed  to  him  come  from 
a  much  later  age. 


III. 

THE  HISTORICAL  LITERATURE 

UNDER  this  section  we  shall  consider  the  books 
grouped  in  the  Hebrew  canon  under  the  caption 
former  prophets,  i.e.  Joshua-Kings,  and  also  Chron- 
icles-Ezra-Nehemiah.  Other  narrative  books  are  not 
treated  here:  Ruth  and  Esther,  because  even  if  re- 
garded as  records  of  actual  events,  deal  with  personal 
rather  than  national  affairs;  and  Genesis,  Exodus, 
and  Numbers,  because  they  are  best  studied  as  a 
part  of  the  Pentateuch.  The  books  which  fall  to  this 
chapter  are  the  only  ones  properly  regarded  as  his- 
torical, because  they  alone  deal  with  national  events. 
Before  the  time  of  Joshua  there  was  really  no  nation, 
and  after  Ezra-Nehemiah  there  is  nothing  preserved 
in  the  way  of  history. 

The  term  historical,  applied  to  books  of  the  Old 
Testament,  is  really  misleading.  Unless  we  are  on 
our  guard  we  may  easily  draw  wrong  conclusions  from 
the  use  of  this  adjective.  Let  us  always  remember 
that  the  Hebrews  themselves  never  applied  the  term 
to  any  part  of  the  Old  Testament.  The  earliest  of 
these  books  they  classed  as  prophetic.  And  such  in 
fact  they  are.  The  aim  of  the  Hebrew  historian  was 
never  to  record  facts,  but  to  teach  a  lesson.     In  Kings 

the  author  often  says  ''and  the  rest  of  the  acts  of 

are  they  not  written  in  the  chronicles  of V    That 


90  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

is  to  say,  if  one  is  in  quest  of  historical  material  there 
is  a  proper  place  to  find  it,  a  place  that  was  still  avail- 
able when  these  books  were  written,  but  unhappily 
lost  long  ago.  The  author  selects  such  events  as  he 
chooses  and  tells  them  in  such  a  way  as  best  to  bring 
out  the  lessons  they  teach.  The  aim  was  not  a  record 
of  the  past,  but  instruction  for  the  present.  The 
authors  of  the  narrative  books  were  not  literary  stu- 
dents, but  teachers.  The  book  of  Judges  is  the  most 
perfect  example,  and  this  purpose  will  be  shown  later 
in  discussing  that  book. 

That  characteristic  must  be  taken  into  account  when 
we  undertake  the  interpretation  of  the  books ;  for  we 
can  be  competent  exegetes  only  by  considering  what 
an  author's  essential  purpose  was.  The  book  of 
Joshua  reveals  much  carelessness,  even  crudeness  in 
treating  of  military  affairs,  but  it  never  misses  a 
chance  to  show  how  God  furthered  the  righteous  plans 
of  His  people. 

It  must  also  be  borne  in  mind  that  these  books  in 
their  present  form  were  written  long  after  the  events 
they  describe.  We  find  abundant  evidence  of  this. 
The  phrase  *'unto  this  day"  points  to  a  period  long 
subsequent  to  the  time  of  the  events  described.  The 
long  period  covered  by  Kings,  and  stil]  more  by 
Chronicles,  shows  a  composition  much  later  than  the 
deeds  recorded.  The  composite  character  of  the 
books  is  proof  that  various  independent  histories  had 
been  written  before  the  present  writers  undertook 
their  compilation. 


THE  HISTORICAL  LITERA  TURE  91 

Joshua 

The  same  sources  have  been  used  in  Joshua  as  in 
the  Pentateuch.  Indeed  the  separation  of  this  book 
from  Numbers  is  purely  arbitrary.  It  takes  up  the 
story  exactly  where  it  left  off  in  the  earlier  books, 
and  yet  it  was  not  compiled  by  the  same  hand.  We 
use  the  term  Hexateuch,  which  includes  Joshua,  but 
the  Hebrews  never  employed  the  term,  and  it  is  better 
to  treat  this  book  in  connection  with  those  which 
follow. 

The  sources  common  to  Joshua  and  the  Pentateuch 
are  J,  E,  and  P.  For  the  rest  the  greater  part  comes 
from  a  source  indicated  by  D%  the  second  Deuter- 
onomist,  one  who  writes  history  in  the  spirit  of  the 
book  of  Deuteronomy.  The  book  of  Joshua,  therefore, 
in  its  present  form  must  be  considerably  later  than 
Deuteronomy. 

The  book  falls  into  three  parts:  the  conquest  of 
Canaan  (cc.  1-12);  the  division  of  the  land  among  the 
tribes  (cc.  13-22);  Joshua's  farewell  (cc.  23,  24). 

I.  The  conquest  of  Canaan. — In  this  part  we  note  a 
strange  disproportion  in  the  amount  of  space  given  to 
different  events.  Thus  four  chapters  are  devoted  to 
the  crossing  of  the  Jordan,  and  two  long  chapters  to  the 
conquest  of  Ai,  while  the  whole  campaign  in  northern 
Canaan  covers  nine  verses  (xi,  1-9).  According  to  this 
narrative  the  conquest  of  Canaan  was  accomplished 
with  only  a  single  reverse,  the  first  assault  on  Ai  (vii, 
1-5),  Joshua's  army  being  victorious  in  every  other 


92  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

battle.  Again,  it  is  the  theory  of  the  compiler  that 
the  conquest  was  effected  by  all  the  tribes  of  Israel 
fighting  in  a  body  under  the  absolute  command  of  Josh- 
ua. It  appears  further  from  the  story  that  this  great 
undertaking  was  accomplished  within  the  lifetime  of 
one  man,  who  must  have  been  well  advanced  in  years 
when  he  crossed  the  Jordan.  Finally  this  book  teaches 
that  the  Canaanites  who  were  found  in  the  land,  with 
the  single  exception  of  the  people  of  Gibeon,  were 
exterminated  and  their  cities  destroyed;  it  is  a  cam- 
paign of  destruction  rather  than  a  conquest.  These 
points  constitute  the  theory  of  the  historian,  and  must 
be  tested  in  due  time  by  statements  found  elsewhere 
(see  especially  under  Judges  i.  For  the  detailed  anal- 
ysis of  the  book  see  Driver,  Intro  due  tiofi). 

a.  (i-iv). — The  army  of  Israel  crosses  the  Jordan. 
Jahveh  calls  upon  Joshua  to  lead  the  people  into  the 
land  which  shall  be  theirs,  and  whose  inhabitants  will 
be  defeated  by  Israel  (i,  1-9);  Joshua  issues  orders  to 
the  people  to  prepare  provisions,  and  calls  upon  the 
trans-Jordanic  tribes — Reuben,  Gad  and  one-half  of 
Manasseh — to  leave  their  families  and  property  and  to 
join  the  other  tribes  in  the  conquest  (i,  10-15);  these 
tribes  assent  to  the  proposal,  ordering  death  to  any- 
one that  disobeyed  (i,  16-18).  Joshua  then  sends 
two  scouts  to  investigate  the  practicability  of  an  as- 
sault on  Jericho;  their  mission  was  discovered  by  the 
king,  but  they  were  concealed  at  the  house  of  Rahab, 
the  harlot,  who  deceived  the  king,  and  lowered  the 
scouts  over  the  wall  from  her  house.     After  hiding 


THE  HISTORICAL  LITER  A  TURE  93 

three  days  in  the  hills  to  avoid  the  searchers  sent  out 
by  the  king  they  safely  recross  the  Jordan,  reach  the 
camp  and  report  to  the  leader  that  the  Canaanites 
are  in  great  alarm  on  account  of  the  threatened  in- 
vasion (c.  ii). 

This  chapter  shows  unmistakble  signs  of  its  composite  char- 
acter. A  significant  point  is  the  fact  that  after  the  king  had 
learned  the  character  of  their  mission  and  had  searched  the  city 
for  the  spies,  they  make  an  agreement  to  save  Rahab  on  condi- 
tion that  she  does  not  disclose  their  secret.  Evidently  in  one 
version  the  presence  of  the  spies  was  discovered ;  in  the  other 
it  was  not. 

Preparations  are  made  for  crossing  the  river.  The 
ark  borne  by  the  priests  was  to  precede  the  army  by 
2,000  cubits,  roughly  a  half  mile  (iii,  i-6);  Jahveh 
gives  explicit  directions,  which  Joshua  repeats  to  the 
people  (iii,  7-12);  the  procession  moves,  and  though 
the  river  was  in  flood,  when  the  feet  of  the  priests 
bearing  the  ark  touched  the  edge  of  the  water,  the 
waters  ceased  to  flow,  being  heaped  up  far  above  the 
crossing,  and  all  the  people  pass  over  on  dry  ground 
(iii,  13-17);  twelve  stones  were  taken  out  of  the 
river  bed  and  set  up  as  a  memorial  (iv,  1-9);  further 
details,  largely  repetitions,  are  given  of  the  crossing 
(iv,  10-24). 

Evidences  of  a  duplicate  narrative  abound.  It  is  impossible 
to  read  these  chapters  as  a  simple  straightforward  story.  In 
one  source  it  appears  that  the  priests  stood  in  the  edge  of  the 
river  (iii,  8,  13,  15)  ;  in  the  other  that  they  stood  in  the  middle 
of  the  river  (iii,  17  ;  iv,  3,  10).  It  is  directed  to  take  stones  from 
the  bed  of  the  river  and  set  them  up  in  the  lodging  place  (iv,  3- 


94  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

8,  20)  ;  then  it  appears  that  the  stones  were  set  up  in  the  middle 
of  the  river  (iv,  9)  ;  the  purpose  of  this  cairn  is  explained  twice 
in  very  similar  words  (iv,  6f. ;  iv,  21  ff.). 

b.  (v). — Here  we  find  a  description  of  the  panic 
among  the  Canaanites  (v.  i);  and  the  command  to 
circumcise  all  the  people  of  Israel,  for  it  is  said  that 
those  who  had  come  from  Egypt  were  circumcised, 
but  that  those  had  all  died  in  the  wilderness,  and  the 
present  generation  had  not  received  the  rite  at  all. 
The  people  remained  in  the  camp  until  the  wounds 
were  healed  (vv.  2-9);  then  the  Passover  was  cele- 
brated, and  at  this  time  the  manna  ceased  (w.  10-12); 
the  prince  of  Jahveh's  hosts  appears  to  the  leader  in 
a  fragment  (vv.  13-15)  which  seems  to  be  a  prelude 
to  the  attack  on  Jericho. 

This  circumcision  presents  a  serious  difficulty.  The  army 
has  the  Jordan  back  of  it  and  the  hostile  Canaanites  in  front. 
This  rite,  crudely  performed  by  flint  knives,  quite  disabled  the 
people  (v,  8 ;  cf .  Gen.  xxxiv) .  The  enemy  could  easily  have 
destroyed  the  army  under  such  conditions.  Had  this  rite  been 
performed  in  such  a  wholesale  fashion,  we  should  certainly  have 
to  suppose  that  it  was  done  before  crossing  the  river. 

c.  (vi). — Jericho  is  besieged  so  closely  that  ingress 
and  egress  are  impossible  (v.  i);  the  priests,  equipped 
with  ram's-horn  trumpets,  following  the  whole  army, 
march  around  the  city  according  to  Joshua's  direction 
once  a  day  for  six  days,  and  seven  times  on  the  seventh 
day.  The  priests  blow  the  trumpets,  the  people 
shout,  the  walls  fall  down,  the  army  enters  the  city, 
every  person  and  every  animal  is  destroyed  ("devoted" 
or  put  under  a  ban),  the  city  with  all  of  its  property 


THE  HISTORICAL  LITERATURE  95 

is  destroyed,  and  a  curse  pronounced  upon  the  one 
who  shall  rebuild  it. 

This  passage  bristles  with  difficulties.  "Flat"  applied  to  the 
falling  of  the  walls  is  a  big  assumption,  and  RVing-  "in  its  place" 
is  not  much  better.  The  Hebrew  word  means  literally  under  it^ 
but  it  is  not  possible  to  say  under  what.  Naturally  it  is  not  pos- 
sible to  explain  the  falling  of  the  wall,  unless  in  desperation  we 
resort  to  an  earthquake  as  Stanley  did.  The  destruction  of 
property  which  the  poor  Israelites  sorely  needed,  and  of  a  walled 
city  which  would  be  priceless  as  a  base  for  further  operations, 
suggest  a  writer  more  expert  in  religion  than  in  military  science. 
There  are  indications  of  a  real  war  ;  e.  g.,  the  sending  of  scouts 
in  advance  (c.  ii)  ;  the  strait  siege  which  may  have  continued  a 
long  time  (v.  i)  ;  and  Joshua's  words,  "the  men  of  Jericho  fought 
against  you  (xxiv,  ii).  Jericho  appears  to  have  been  standing 
subsequently  (vii,  2  ;  Judg.  iii,  13  ;  2  Sam.  x,  5  ;  but  cf.  2  Ki.  xvi, 
34) .  The  meaning  may  be  that  the  city  was  captured  with  unex- 
pected ease. 

d.  (viijViii). — Scouts  were  sent  to  Ai  who  report  that 
the  place  can  be  taken  by  a  small  force ;  three  thousand 
are  sent  on  the  expedition,  but  they  are  driven  back, 
though  with  a  loss  of  only  thirty-six  men,  indicating 
that  the  troops  retreated  without  much  fighting  (vii, 
1-5).  Joshua  pours  out  his  deep  distress  in  prayer, 
and  is  told  by  Jahveh  that  the  cause  of  the  disaster  is 
the  taking  of  the  devoted  booty  of  Jericho,  and  that 
the  culprit  must  be  detected  by  the  sacred  lot  (vii, 
6-15).  Joshua  summons  all  Israel,  and  the  lot  finally 
falls  upon  Achan  who  admits  that  a  garment  and  some 
gold  and  silver  are  hidden  in  his  tent;  Achan  with  his 
family,  cattle  and  property  was  destroyed,  and  a  great 
heap  of  stones  was  piled  over  the  dead  bodies  (vii, 


%  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

16-26).  Another  assault  is  made  upon  Ai,  but  under 
vastly  different  conditions;  a  large  army  is  placed  in 
ambush  back  of  the  city,  while  the  rest  begin  another 
frontal  assault;  the  Aites  come  out  from  the  city,  and 
pursue  those  who  deliberately  yield  before  them. 
The  men  rise  from  ambush,  enter  and  burn  the  city, 
and  then  start  after  the  Aites.  Meanwhile  the  flee- 
ing Israelites  turn  and  thus  the  enemy  are  caught  and 
crushed  between  the  two  forces  and  are  destroyed, 
but  their  property  is  saved  as  booty  (c.  viii). 

Of  itself  this  passage  presents  few  difficulties  other  than  the 
bewildering  duplicates  ;  e.g.,  30,000  men  in  ambush,  in  viii,  3,  but 
5,000,  in  viii,  12.  The  defeat — the  only  one  recorded  against 
Joshua — was  due  to  overconfidence.  A  small  force  was  sent  up, 
and  as  only  thirty-six  were  lost  out  of  3,000,  the  attack  was  not 
very  determined.  The  clever  strategy  of  the  second  assault 
made  success  almost  certain.  The  sin  of  Achan  is  the  natural 
explanation  of  a  writer  who  knew  nothing  of  any  cause  except  a 
direct  act  of  God. 

e.  (ix). — The  people  of  Gibeon  send  a  deputation 
to  Joshua  to  sue  for  peace.  The  deputies  are  clad  in 
old  clothes,  their  shoes  are  worn  out,  their  wine-skins 
are  rotten,  and  their  bread  is  stale — conditions  devised 
to  support  their  statement  that  they  came  from  a 
great  distance.  A  treaty  is  made  with  them  sup- 
ported by  an  oath  (vv.  1-15).  Then  the  Israelites 
discovered  that  they  lived  near  by,  but  they  were 
bound  by  the  oath  to  spare  their  lives,  so  the  cun- 
ning Gibeonites  were  reduced  to  perpetual  servitude. 

The  story  appears  to  have  a  substratum  that  is  old,  but  is 
colored  by  the  Deuteronomic  theory  that  the  Canaanites  were 


THE  HISTORICAL  LITER  A  TURE  97 

all  destroyed.  In  Deuteronomy  vii,  2  it  is  expressly  forbidden 
to  make  treaties  with  foreigners.  There  are  many  inconsisten- 
cies due  to  the  composite  character  of  the  story,  especially  in 
regard  to  the  chief  authority,  which  is  held  variously  by  Joshua, 
by  the  princes,  and  by  the  people.  The  Gibeonites  appear  in  their 
fortified  city  in  c.  x  as  Joshua's  allies,  and  that  suggests  that 
the  original  story  merely  described  the  forming  of  a  confedera- 
tion. 

/.  (x). —  Five  kings  from  the  south  combine  to 
punish  Gibeon  for  making  a  confederacy  with  Israel, 
and  they  lay  siege  to  the  traitors.  The  beseiged 
send  an  appeal  to  Joshua,  who  makes  a  night  march, 
surprises  the  allies  in  their  siege  lines,  puts  them  to 
flight  and,  assisted  by  a  hail  storm,  inflicts  severe 
damage  upon  them.  Joshua's  army  captures  the  five 
kings  in  a  cave;  they  are  brought  out  and  slain  and 
their  cities  and  several  others  are  taken  and  destroyed. 
Emphasis  is  laid  upon  the  complete  extermination  of 
all  the  Canaanites:  *'he  utterly  destroyed  all  that 
breathed"  (v.  40). 

This  is  the  campaign  by  which  all  southern  Palestine  fell  in- 
to the  hands  of  Israel.  In  this  section  we  find  a  fragment  of  a 
poem  quoted  from  the  book  of  Joshua  (vv.  12^,  13^),  and  the 
writer's  interpretation  (vv.  13^,  14),  a  bold  literal  understanding 
of  the  poem,  which  seems  originally  to  be  related  to  the  storm 
indicated  in  v.  11.  God  was  supposed  to  be  peculiarly  manifest 
in  storms. 

g.  (xi,  xii). — An  alliance  was  made  of  the  north- 
ern kings  and  the  united  forces  met  at  the  waters  of 
Merom.  Joshua  surprised  this  body  in  their  camp, 
defeated  them  signally,  hamstrung  the  chariot  horses, 
burned  the  chariots  and  slew  the  people  (vv.  1-15). 
8 


98  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

Again  he  goes  about  the  northern  country,  capturing 
and  destroying.  Chapter  xii  reviews  the  conquests 
of  Moses  (vv.  1-6)  and  of  Joshua  (vv.  7-24),  the  list  of 
captured  places  comprising  many  cities  not  mentioned 
in  the  preceding  story  at  all.  There  is  in  the  section 
one  interesting  note  intimating  that  these  campaigns 
were  not  so  much  of  a  whirlwind  type  as  we  suppose: 
''Joshua  made  war  a  long  time  with  all  those  kings." 
(V.  18). 

2.  The  division  of  the  conquered  land  (xiii-xxii). — 
There  are  still  some  border  lands  to  conquer,  but 
Joshua  is  old,  and  consequently  he  is  directed  to  assign 
the  land  to  the  twelve  tribes  (xiii,  1-14).  To  make 
the  catalogue  complete  there  is  a  description  of  the 
portions  given  to  the  trans-Jordanic  tribes,— Reuben 
(xiii,  15-23),  Gad  (xiii,  24-28)  and  the  half  tribe  of 
Manasseh  (xiii,  29-33).  Caleb,  who  is  never  men- 
tioned in  cc.  i-xii,  appears  now  as  an  important 
factor  in  the  conquest,  makes  an  appeal  to  Joshua, 
and  is  given  Hebron  (xiv,  6-15),  the  original  capital 
of  the  kingdom  of  Judah  (2  Sam.  ii,  1-4). 

We  come  now  to  the  western  tribes,  and  find  much 
space  given  to  the  description  of  Judah's  portion 
(xv,  1-63);  but  the  passage  includes  an  account  of 
Caleb's  conquest  of  Hebron  and  Debir  (vv.  13-19), 
places  previously  said  to  have  been  conquered  by  all 
Israel  (x,  36-39).  The  lot  of  Joseph  is  described  (xvi, 
1-4),  but  this  tribe  suddenly  becomes  Ephraim  (xv, 
5-10)  and  Manasseh  (xvii,  1-13).     Then  strangely  the 


THE  HISTORICAL  LITERA  TURE  99 

tribe  of  Joseph  complains  to  Joshua  that  but  one  por- 
tion was  given  to  this  great  tribe,  and  Joshua  tells 
them  to  go  in  and  conquer  more  land  (xvii,  14-18). 

It  is  a  theory  that  Ephraim  and  Manasseh  were  always  sep- 
arate tribes  (xiv,  4;  xvi,  4 ;  xvii,  17),  because  these  sons  were 
adopted  by  Jacob  as  his  own  (Gen.  xlviii,  5) .  There  are,  however, 
numerous  indications  of  a  separate  and  powerful  tribe  of  Joseph 
(see  in  addition  to  the  above  passage,  Judg.  i,  22  ff.) .  It  may  be 
that  the  original  Joseph  tribe,  accupying  the  central  part  of  Ca- 
naan, was  later  split  into  the  two  branches  ;  or  that  the  tribes  of 
Ephraim  and  Manasseh  later  got  possession  of  the  land  orig- 
inally held  by  the  Joseph  people. 

The  story  of  the  allotment  is  halted  now  by  a  tale 
quite  at  variance  with  i-xii,  but  fully  in  accord  with 
what  we  shall  find  in  Judg.  i.  Joshua  upbraids  the 
seven  remaining  tribes  because  they  did  not  go  in  to 
possess  the  land.  Scouts  were  sent  through  the  land 
and  an  apportionment  was  made  on  the  basis  of  their 
report  (xviii,  i-io).  Then  the  portions  are  described: 
Benjamin's,  xviii,  11-20;  Simeon's,  xix,  1-9;  Zebu- 
lun's,  xix,  10-16;  Issachar's,  xix,  17-23;  Asher's,  xix, 
24-31;  Naphtali's,  xix,  32-39;  and  Dan's,  xix,  40-48. 

In  c.  XX  there  is  described  the  setting  apart  of  the 
six  cities  of  refuge,  three  on  each  side  of  the  Jordan 
(on  which  cf.  Ex.  xxi,  13;  Num.  xxxv,  64;Deut.  iv,  41 ; 
xix,  2).  In  c.  xxi  we  find  a  late  passage  dealing  with 
the  assignment  of  ninety-six  cities  to  the  priests  and 
Levites.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  Levites  were  very  scarce 
in  this  early  age. 

Finally  there  is  recorded  the  dismissal  of  the  two 
and  a  half  tribes  to  their   homes   beyond  the  Jordan, 


100  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

which  nearly  resulted  in  war.  The  tribes  set  up  a 
memorial  to  prove  their  affinity  with  Israel,  but  the 
others  regarded  it  as  a  symbol  of  idolatry.  After  the 
real  purpose  of  the  altar  was  explained,  peace  is  pro- 
claimed (c.  xxii).  There  may  be  remnants  of  an  old 
story  here  of  inter-tribal  strife,  but  it  is  difficult  to 
pick  this  out  of  the  mass  of  the  present  material  which 
shows  a  very  late  conception. 

3.  Joshua  s  farewell, — In  the  first  address  (c.  xxiii), 
the  aged  leader  exhorts  the  tribes  to  complete  their 
conquests  and  to  avoid  the  worship  of  the  gods  of 
Canaan,  and  emphasizes  the  many  things  Jahveh 
had  done  for  them.  In  the  second  address  (c.  xxiv), 
Israel's  history  is  reviewed  after  the  manner  of  later 
times  to  prove  Jahveh' s  goodness,  and  Joshua  calls 
upon  them  to  choose  between  the  native  gods  and 
Jahveh.  The  people  solemnly  pledge  themselves  to 
the  worship  of  Jahveh,  in  witness  of  which  a  great 
stone  is  set  up  in  Shechem — note  the  anachronism 
*'the  sanctuary  of  Jahveh"  (v.  26),  showing  a  late 
source.  The  book  closes  with  an  account  of  Joshua's 
death  and  burial  in  the  hill  country  of  Ephraim  where 
he  had  received  his  inheritance  (cf.  xix,  49  f.);  of  the 
burial  of  Joseph's  bones  in  Shechem,  and  of  the  death 
and  burial  of  Eleazar  the  priest. 

Judges 

The  book  falls  into  three  parts:  i  (c.  i),  the  con- 
quest'^ 2  (cc.  ii-xvi),  the  stories  of  the  heroes  \    3   (cc. 


THE  HISTORICAL  LITERATURE  101 

xvii-xxi),  an  appendix  containing  two  strange  stories 
of  the  early  days. 

The  title  comes  from  the  term  applied  to  the  he- 
roes; h^jX  judge  here  has  not  primarily  a  judicial  con- 
notation, for  the  judge  was  a  ruler,  sometimes  almost 
if  not  quite  a  king.  The  length  of  each  judgeship  is 
given  and  these  added  make  four  hundred  and  ten 
years  (cf.  Driver,  Introd.),  a  figure  far  too  high.  But 
for  the  most  part  the  stories  deal  with  clans,  or  at 
most  with  tribes,  and  we  cannot  rely  on  the  chrono- 
logical data. 

I.  The  Conquest  (i). — The  significance  of  the  story 
in  chapter  i  is  not  always  realized.  It  must  be  assumed 
to  describe  the  situation  presupposed  at  the  beginning 
oijoshtia,  and  the  passage  is  otherwise  meaningless; 
therefore  the  phrase  "after  the  death  of  Joshua"  is  a 
late  editorial  note.  The  tribes  are  ready  to  begin  the 
conquest,  and  by  Jahveh's  direction  Judah  is  chosen  to 
begin  the  campaign.  Judah  makes  a  private  agreement 
with  Simeon  to  assist  in  the  undertaking,  promising 
later  to  help  the  latter  tribe  with  its  task.  The  con- 
quests of  Judah  are  described,  and  outside  of  Jerusa- 
lem, which  was  not  wrested  from  the  Jebusites  until 
David's  time,  about  all  that  is  conquered  are  Hebron 
and  Debir,  which  towns  in  Josh,  xv,  13  ff.,  a  passage 
in  almost  verbatim  agreement,  are  taken  by  Caleb. 

Next  the  tribe  of  Joseph  moves  forward,  and  by 
inducing  a  man  to  show  them  an  easy  access  to  the 
city,  capture   Bethel  (vv.  22-26).     The  rest  of  the 


102  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

chapter  gives  a  list  of  places  in  Canaan  which  the  va- 
rious tribes  were  unable  to  conquer,  but  the  original 
Canaanites  were  either  reduced  to  task  work  or  dwell 
with  the  Israelites  as  allies. 

The  conception  of  the  conquest  as  pictured  here  is  radically 
different  from  that  outlined  in  Josh,  i-xii.  Here  each  tribe 
acts  independently;  there  is  no  extermination  of  the  Canaanites, 
and  there  is  reason  to  suppose  that  a  long  period  of  time  was 
required.  In  Josh,  xiii-xxii  there  is  much  of  this  material  re- 
peated, and  especially  we  note  that  the  first  assignments  were 
made  to  Judah  and  Joseph,  after  which  the  other  tribes  were 
urged  to  undertake  their  conquests.  The  fact  is  that  the  con- 
quest of  Canaan  really  lasted  from  the  time  of  Moses  to  the 
time  of  David. 

We  may  reconcile  the  discrepant  stories  in  part.  We  must 
leave  out  the  episodes  of  the  trans-Jordanic  tribes.  In  any  case 
they  could  not  have  left  their  families  and  cattle  exposed  to  the 
plundering  desert  tribes.  Joshua  may  be  regarded  as  the  leader 
of  the  Joseph  tribe,  as  evidence  for  which  we  have  his  inheri- 
tance in  Ephraim  (Josh,  xix,  49  f.),  and  the  main  battles  de- 
scribed are  really  those  fought  by  this  one  mighty  tribe. 

2.  The  Stories  of  the  Heroes  (ii-xvi). — There  are  sev- 
eral ** judges"  named,  about  whom  we  have  no  stories 
at  all.  The  men  were  probably  known  to  have  done 
some  heroic  deeds,  but  there  was  no  record  of  their 
exploits,  so  that  only  their  names  are  preserved. 
These  are  Othniel  (iii,  7-1 1),  who  figures,  however, 
in  the  Caleb  stories  (i,  13;  Josh,  xv,  17);  Shamgar, 
iii,  31 ;  Tola,  x,  i  f. ;  Jair,  x,  3-5  (and  cf.  Num.  xxxii, 
41,  where  there  is  an  epitome  of  the  same  story) ;  Ibzan 
xii,  8-10;  Elon,  xii,  13-15.  Those  about  whom  a  tale 
is  told  are  Ehud  (iii,  12-30),  Barak  (iv,  v),  Gideon,  or 


THE  HISTORICAL  LITERA  TURE  103 

Jerubbaal  (vi,  i-viii,  32),  Abimelech  (viii,  33-ix,  57), 
Jephthah  (xi,  6-xii,  7),  Samson  (xiii-xvi).  There  are 
six  judges  of  the  latter  and  seven  of  the  former  class, 
thirteen  in  all. 

Each  heroic  tale  is  set  in  a  frame-work  due  to  the 
compiler.  The  stories  are  introduced  by  a  statement 
that  the  Isrealites  did  wrong;  that  Jahveh  therefore 
delivered  them  into  the  power  of  an  enemy;  that  they 
cried  to  God  in  their  distress;  that  he  raised  up  a 
deliverer  (the  hero),  whose  exploits  are  then  described ; 
and  at  the  end  it  is  said  that  the  land  had  rest  for  so 
many  years.  The  purpose  of  the  book  is  thus  seen 
to  be  didactic.  The  compiler  is  a  prophet  whose 
burden  is  that  Israel  prospers  when  they  obey  Jahveh 
and  suffer  when  they  are  unfaithful.  The  stories  are 
used  as  illustrations  of  the  theological  principle.  Two 
of  these  stories  fit  into  the  scheme  but  indifferently, 
viz.  that  of  Samson  and  that  of  Abimelech.  For  the 
latter,  indeed,  the  interpretative  introduction  is  lack- 
ing, for  the  editor  could  not  make  this  story  fit  his 
scheme;  he  does,  however,  point  out  what  he  con- 
ceives to  be  its  moral  (vide  ix,  56  f.). 

The  editor  of  the  book  held  the  theory  seen  already 
in  the  book  of  Joshua,  that  Israel  was  a  nation  from 
the  beginning.  Therefore  he  adds  notes  here  and 
there  to  lend  color  to  his  hypothesis.  The  stories 
themselves,  though,  bear  constant  witness  to  the  dis- 
organized condition  of  the  land  and  of  the  people. 
Each  tribe  or  clan  is  looking  after  its  own  interests 
solely,  and  when  the  interests  conflict,  there  is  quar- 


104  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

reling  and  even  inter-tribal  war.  The  condition  of 
Israel  in  this  period  is  very  much  like  that  in  our  own 
country  in  the  period  preceding  the  adoption  of  the 
constitution  in  1787. 

A  careful  study  of  the  stories  shows  that  there  is 
no  instance  in  which  the  whole  nation  is  involved; 
that  often  but  a  small  clan  is  affected;  and  that  Judah 
practically  does  not  figure  in  the  history  of  the  pe- 
riod. This  tribe  is  mentioned  only  in  the  story  of 
Othniel,  which  does  not  really  belong  to  this  period, 
and  incidentally  in  that  of  Samson.  The  fact  is  that 
Judah  finds  no  real  place  in  the  history  until  the  time 
of  David.     He  really  made  the  tribe  of  Judah. 

In  ii,  i-iii,  6  we  find  the  editor's  introduction  in 
which  he  elaborates  his  theological  conception.  A 
messenger  of  Jahveh  reproves  the  Israelites  because 
they  had  made  treaties  with  the  Canaanites  (ii,  5-1); 
reference  is  made  to  a  time  when  Israel  had  been 
faithful  (ii,  6-10);  there  is  a  survey  of  the  infidelity 
of  Israel  in  this  period  (ii,  11-23);  an  explanation  is 
given  of  the  fact  that  Jahveh  permitted  enemies  to 
remain  (iii,  1-6),  contrary  to  the  theory  in  Joshua 
i-xii. 

a.  The  exploit  of  Ehud  (iii,  12-30).— This  is  an 
old  story  and  is  doubtless  historical.  Eglon,  the  king 
of  Moab,  crossed  the  Jordon,  took  and  held  Jericho, 
and  thus  was  able  to  levy  tribute  upon  the  tribe  of  Ben- 
jamin. Ehud,  like  many  other  Benjamites,  was  left- 
handed  ;  therefore  he  could  carry  a  sword,  convenient 
for  quick  service,  on  his  right  side,  an  unusual  place. 


THE  HISTORICAL  LITERA  TURE 


105 


Ehud  crossed  the  Jordan  to  carry  the  imposed  tribute 
to  the  Moabite  capital.  Knowing  how  suspicious  is 
a  despotic  monarch,  always  afraid  of  treachery,  he 
secured  a  private  audience  with  Eglon,  and  thus  was 
able  to  assassinate  him  and  escape.  The  Moabite 
garrison  in  Jericho  heard  of  the  fall  and  abandoned 
their  post  and  started  to  retreat  homewards.  Mean- 
while Ehud  had  aroused  his  people  in  the  hill  country 
and  had  seized  the  fords  of  the  Jordan.  On  this 
bloody  battle-ground  the  fleeing  Moabites  were  inter- 
cepted and  annihilated.  The  result  was  an  impres- 
sive lesson  to  the  marauding  peoples.  Israel  was  be- 
coming too  strong  to  be  molested  with  impunity. 

b.  The  memorable  victory  of  Barak  (iv,  v).— There 
are  really  three  accounts  of  this  campaign,  the  prose 
account  in  c.  iv,  the  poetical  account  in  the  Song  of 
Deborah  (c.  v),  and  the  parallel  in  Joshua  (xi,  1-9).' 
There  is  the  usual  amount  of  variation,  but  the  main 
points  are  clear.  The  most  trustworthy  version  is 
that  in  the  Song  of  Deborah,  one  of  the  earliest  com- 
positions in  the  Old  Testament,  and  practically  a  con- 
temporary document.  The  text  is  very  corrupt,  un- 
fortunately; in  parts  it  is  almost  untranslatable;  but 
what  we  can  make  out  is  of  immense  value. 

The  campaign  is  waged  for  the  largest  prize  in  the 
whole  land  of  Canaan,— the  great  and  fertile  Plain  of 
Esdraelon.     This  valley  was  held  by  the  Canaanites, 


iFor  a  full  study  of  these  narratives,  my  article  on  The  Con- 
quest of  Northern  Canaan  (J  B  L,  1905)  may  be  consulted. 


106  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

while  the  tribes  of  Israel  were  forced  to  abide  in  the 
surrounding  hills,  and  were  therefore  subject  to  all 
kinds  of  molestation.  The  condition  of  Israel  is  elo- 
quently described  in  a  few  lines: — 

'•  In  the  days  of  Jael  the  highways  were  unoccupied, 
And  the  travelers  walked  through  by-ways. 
Was  there  sword  or  spear  seen, 
Among  forty  thousand  in  Israel."  (vv.  6,  8). 

The  roads  were  unsafe  because  of  the  attacks  of  the 
enemy,  and  the  people  of  Irsael  were  without  weapons. 
The  inspiration  for  action  came  from  the  prophet- 
ess Deborah,  who  had  given  oracles  to  Israel  from  the 
sacred  palm  tree  in  the  hill  country  of  Ephraim. 
She  aroused  Barak  of  Naphtali,  and  persuaded  him  to 
undertake  the  conquest  of  the  great  Plain.  There  is 
a  list  of  the  tribes  which  responded  to  the  call  to  arms 
—Ephraim,  Benjamin  andManasseh,  on  the  southern 
border  of  the  Plain,  and  Zebulun,  Issachar  and  Naph- 
tali,' on  its  northern  border.  The  tribes  whose  in- 
terests were  closely  affected  joined  in  the  war,  and 
these  six  tribes  constitute  the  biggest  confederation 
found  at  any  time  before  the  days  of  David.  There 
is  further  a  reproving  list  of  those  who  disregarded 
the  summons,— Reuben  and  Gad  across  the  Jordan, 
and  Dan  and  Asher  on  the  extreme  west.     The  tribes 


^  In  the  prose  story  only  Naphtali  and  Zebulun  are  mentioned 
as  participants  in  the  battle  (iv,  6).  From  the  repeated  mention 
of  these  tribes  in  the  poem  (v,  i8),  it  may  well  be  that  they  bore 
the  heaviest  burden  in  the  campaign. 


THE  HISTORICAL  LITER  A  TURE  107 

who  were  not  affected  took  no  part  in  the  war.     Ju- 
dah,  Simeon  and  Levi  are  not  mentioned  at  all. 

There  was  a  great  storm  which  contributed  to  the 
downfall  of  the  enemy,  as  their  chariots  would  be  in- 
effective in  the  muddy  valley.  Great  stress  is  laid 
upon  the  slaughter  of  Sisera,  a  great  king  and  the 
leader  of  the  allied  Canaanites,  because  he  met  a  dis- 
graceful death  at  the  hands  of  a  woman  (cf.  ix,  54), 
and  his  death  broke  the  back  of  Canaanite  resistance 
in  the  great  Plain.  There  is  a  radical  difference  be- 
tween the  two  stories  at  this  point.  According  to 
the  poem,  Sisera  came  to  the  door  of  Jael's  tent  and 
asked  for  water.  She  brought  him  the  favorite  cur- 
dled milk  in  a  large  bowl,  and  while  his  eyes  were 
covered  by  the  dish,  she  seized  some  implement  and 
felled  him  with  a  mighty  blow.  The  prose  writer 
(iv,  17-22),  like  many  later  readers,  misunderstood 
the  narrative,  and  thus  changed  Jael's  heroic  act  into 
a  deed  of  the  darkest  treachery. 

c,  Gideon's  victory  over  the  Midianites  (vi,  i-viii, 
32).— In  this  campaign  the  battle  is  fought  by  a  clan, 
the  Abiezrites  of  the  tribe  of  Manasseh.  There  is  a 
double  narrative  running  all  through,  so  that  there  is 
endless  confusion  and  duplication.  Moore  analyzes 
the  story,  roughly,  thus:  to  J  belongs  vi,  1-6,  11-24, 
34;  vii,  1,9-11,  13-15;  16-21,22^;  viii,  4-21,  24-27^ 
30  f.;  the  rest  belongs  to  E,  or  the  redactor.  It  is 
surprising  to  note  the  completeness  of  each  version. 
In  brief,  J's  story  runs:  Gideon  is  moved  by  the  duty 


108  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

of  blood  revenge,  because  the  Midianites  in  one  of 
their  plundering  forays  have  slain  his  brothers  (viii, 
18-21 ).  Aroused  by  the  visit  of  a  messenger  of  Jahveh, 
he  collects  three  hundred  of  his  clan  and  encamps  in 
the  hills  of  Moreh,  close  to  the  enemy.  Going  out  by 
night  to  reconnoitre,  he  discovers  a  panicy  condition, 
because  the  Midianites  have  heard  of  his  taking  up 
the  blood  feud.  A  night  attack  is  made,  so  as  to  in- 
crease the  panic,  but  many  of  the  enemy  escape  across 
the  Jordan.  The  relentless  leader  pursues  until  he  cap- 
tures and  slays  the  two  kings  and  routs  their  forces. 
From  the  spoils  he  makes  an  ephod,  some  kind  of  an 
idolatrous  image,  and  sets  it  up  at  his  home. 

E's  account  runs:  Inspired  by  a  prophet's  rebuke, 
and  under  cover  of  the  night,  Gideon  destroys  his 
father's  altar  to  Baal  and  builds  one  to  Jahveh  in  its 
place,  thus  getting  the  name  Jarebbaal.  ^  When  the 
Midianites  invade  the  land,  Gideon,  who  has  become 
already  a  prominent  figure,  calls  the  neighboring 
tribes  to  drive  them  out.  He  tests  his  call  by  the 
sign  of  the  fleece,  and  when  reassured  reduces  his 
force  from  32,000  to  300,  so  that  all  Israel  will  see 
that  the  victory  belongs  to  Jahveh.  Moving  upon 
the  enemy  by  night,  he  creates  a  panic  by  the  flaming 
torches  and  the  flaring  trumpets,  so  that  they  slay 
each  other.    He  summons  Ephraim,  who  heads  off  the 


^  The  meaning  of  this  name  given  in  the  text  is  let  Baal  con- 
tend^ but  there  is  grave  doubt  about  the  correctness  of  that  in- 
terpretation. 


THE  HISTORICAL  LITERA  TURE  109 

fugitives  at  the  Jordan  and  kills  their  princes.  By 
smooth  words  he  allays  the  anger  of  this  jealous  tribe. 
J's  story  has  all  the  marks  of  antiquity  and  of  his- 
toricity, though  E  may  have  some  authentic  details. 
We  see  something  of  the  strife  between  Israelites  and 
Canaanites  (the  Baal  worshipers).  We  find  here  the 
establishment  of  the  first  petty  kingdom  of  Israel,  for 
Gideon's  refusal  to  be  king  (viii,  23)  must  not  be 
taken  any  more  seriously  by  us  than  it  was  by  the 
Abiezrites. 

d.  The  reign  of  Abimelech  (viii,  33-ix,  57). — Gid- 
eon had  extended  his  rule  over  the  Canaanite  town  of 
Shechem,  and  had  bequeathed  his  government  to  his 
seventy  legitimate  sons.  Abimelech  was  also  Gideon's 
son,  but  his  mother  was  a  Canaanite  of  Shechem.  He 
appealed  to  the  Shechemites,  on  the  basis  of  the  com- 
mon blood,  and  by  their  support  overthrew  the  throne 
of  Gideon  and  became  the  king.  Trouble  arose  be- 
tween the  king  and  his  subjects  so  that  he  was  driven 
away  from  Shechem  for  a  time  and  lived  the  life  of  a 
freebooter.  Aided  by  his  faithful  lieutenant,  Zebul, 
he  defeated  the  hostile  party  with  Gaal  at  its  head, 
and  regained  his  throne.  He  became  ambitious  and 
attempted  to  enlarge  his  kingdom  by  the  conquest  of 
Thebez,  which  had  probably  been  subject  to  Gideon, 
but  was  slain  in  the  attack  by  a  stone  hurled  from  the 
tower  by  a  woman. 

This  story  is  one  of  the  oldest  in  the  book,  and  is 
very  important  because  it  is  a  picture  of  the  struggle 


no  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

between  the  Israelites  and  the  Canaanites,  showing 
how  the  latter  were  gradually  reduced  by  the  former. 
Shechem  from  this  time  becomes  an  imporant  town 
of  Israel. 

e.  Jephthah's  defeat  of  the  Ammonites  (x,  6-xii,  7). — 
The  scene  is  laid  in  Gilead  on  the  east  of  the  Jordan, 
and  the  clan  involved  is  Gilead.  Jephthah,  like 
Abimelech,  was  the  son  of  a  concubine,  and  therefore 
driven  away  from  his  father's  house.  He  went  to 
Tob,  a  town  in  Syria  (cf.  2  Sam.  x,  6,  8),  and  gathered 
a  company  of  outlaws  like  himself.  He  was  recalled 
and  made  king  on  condition  that  he  would  drive  out 
the  invading  Ammonites.  The  story  pauses  to  de- 
scribe a  long  diplomatic  parley  (xi,  12-28),  which  is 
made  up  largely  of  material  found  in  Num.  xx,  xxi, 
and  which  has  nothing  to  do  with  Ammon,  for  it 
recounts  the  relations  of  Israel  and  Moab.  Thus 
Jephthah  is  made  to  say  to  the  Ammonites,  "Che- 
mosh  thy  God"  (v,  24),  but  Chemosh  was  the  god 
of  Moab. 

The  story  is  memorable  because  of  the  sacrifice  of 
Jephthah's  daughter.  On  the  eve  of  the  battle  the 
leader,  desirous  of  securing  the  favor  of  Jahveh,  and 
believing  that  the  more  valuable  the  sacrifice  the 
stronger  the  appeal,  vowed,  in  case  of  victory,  to 
offer  for  a  burnt-offering  whoever  *  came  forth  from 


*' Whatsoever '  of  the  English  version  is  an  impossible  trans- 
lation, designed  to  support  the  theory  that  the  woman  was  not 
sacrificed,  but  retired  to  a  life  of  perpetual  virginity.  This  in- 
terpretation cannot  be  wrung  from  the  text. 


THE  HISTORICAL  LITER  A  TURE 


the  doors  of  his  house  to  meet  him.  His  object  was  to 
let  Jahveh  choose  his  own  victim,  and  that  proved  to 
be  his  only  child,  and  after  two  months'  lament  over 
dying  childless,  her  father  **did  with  her  according 
to  his  vow  which  he  had  vowed"  (xi,  39). 

There  is  an  appendix  to  the  story  (xii,  1-7),  describ- 
ing another  quarrel  with  Ephraim.  It  appears  that 
up  to  this  time  some  of  the  Ephraimites  were  settled 
on  the  east  of  the  Jordan.  They  differed  from  other 
Israelites  by  lacking  one  of  the  sibilants,  so  that  they 
pronounced  sh  like  s.  Jephthah  did  not  trifle  with 
these  people  as  Gideon  did  (viii,  1-3),  but  slew  them 
or  drove  them  across  the  Jordan. 

/.  Samson's  assaults  upon  the  Philistines  (xiii- 
xvi). — More  space  is  given  to  this  hero  than  to  any 
other  in  the  book.  The  original  story  evidently  ended 
with  XV,  20,  as  xvi  is  an  appendix.  Like  Samuel  and 
John  Baptist,  Samson  belonged  to  the  order  of  the  Nazi- 
rites  (cf.  Am.  ii,  II  f.);  likewise  also  there  was  a  quasi- 
miraculous  element  in  his  birth.  He  belonged  to  the 
tribe  of  Dan,  located  in  the  hills  on  the  west.  Sam- 
son never  attempted  to  gather  a  force,  but  always 
performed  individual  exploits.  He  never  made  any 
systematic  attempt  to  rid  his  country  of  an  enemy, 
but  seemingly  acts  capriciously,  and  is  moved  usually 
by  the  motive  of  personal  revenge.  He  is  the  great 
jester  of  the  Old  Testament,  loving  riddles  and  in- 
dulging in  rather  tragic  jokes,  such  as  paying  his 
debts  to  those  to  whom  he  lost  a  wager  by  slaying 


112  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

their  kinsmen  and  taking  the  clothing  from  their  dead 
bodies ;  by  turning  the  jackals  into  the  enemies'  grain ; 
and  by  pretending  to  be  securely  bound  only  to  find 
occasion  for  the  fresh  slaughter  of  his  foes.  His  ex- 
ploits are  due  to  his  great  physical  strength,  and  that 
power  depends  upon  his  long  hair,  the  hero  becoming 
weak  when  his  hair  was  cut  and  strong  when  it  grew 
again. 

The  story  indroduces  a  new  enemy,  the  dreaded 
Philistines,  living  on  the  plains  along  the  Mediter- 
ranean. These  people  had  already  won  sovereignty 
over  Judah,  and  they  soon  invade  all  Israel,  so  there 
is  war  between  the  two  peoples  until  the  Philistines 
were  finally  driven  out  by  David. 

3.  An  appendix  (cc.  xvii-xxi).— This  contains  two 
stories  which  are  quite  unlike  the  others  in  the  book, 
but  which  throw  light  on  the  general  conditions  of 
the  time.  We  note  the  later  point  of  view  in  the  re- 
curring phrase,  "in  those  days  there  was  no  king  in 
Israel:  every  man  did  that  which  was  right  in  his 
own  eyes"  (xvii,  6;  xviii,  i;  xix,  i;  xxi,  25). 

a.  The  migration  of  Dan  (xvii,  xviii).— This  story 
discloses  the  religious  conditions  in  early  Israel  and 
the  method  by  which  the  tribes  reached  their  final 
settlements.  The  Danites  were  wedged  in  the  hills 
between  Judah  and  the  Philistines,  and  now  they 
captured  the  city  of  Laish,  and  renamed  it  Dan,  and 
thus  reached  the  northern  border  of  Israel. 

Micah  builds  a  private  temple  and  furnishes  it  with 


THE  HISTORICAL  LITER  A  TURE  113 

suitable  images.  At  first  his  son  is  priest.  Later 
he  secures  the  more  cherished  services  of  a  Levite. 
It  appears  that  the  home  of  the  Levites  was  in  Beth- 
lehem-judah;  that  they  were  wont  to  wander  about 
seeking  employment;  that  they  were  consulted  as 
oracles  (xviii,  5f.);  and  that  they  used  some  peculiar 
intonations  in  their  offices  by  which  their  voice  was 
recognizable  (xviii,  3).  When  the  Danites  changed 
their  location  they  robbed  Micah  of  his  gods  and  of 
his  priest,  and  so  the  later  notorious  sanctuary  of  Dan 
was  established.  This  priest  was  a  grandson  of  Moses. 
In  the  Hebrew  text  the  name  was  changed  to  Ma- 
nasseh,  because  of  the  ill  repute  of  this  temple. 

b.  The  war  with  Benjamin  (xix-xxi). — This  is 
rather  a  ghastly  story,  and  it  has  been  so  worked 
over  by  later  hands  that  it  is  difficult  to  tell  just  what 
did  happen.  We  note  the  late  point  of  view  making 
Israel  act  as  a  compact  body.  The  numbers  mustered 
for  the  war  are  quite  incredible  (xx,  15-17);  the 
strategy  is  an  exact  reproduction  of  that  used  at  Ai 
(Josh,  viii);  and  the  people  first  try  to  exterminate  a 
tribe,  and  then  take  pains  to  restore  it.  The  story 
shows  the  strong  sentiment  of  blood  revenge;  the 
poor  esteem  in  which  the  Benjamites  were  held;  the 
powers  of  this  tribe  in  war;  and  a  connection  between 
this  tribe  and  Jabesh-gilead  on  the  east  of  the  Jordan. 
Probably  some  of  these  people  had  never  crossed  that 
river.  Several  of  the  tribes  appear  to  have  been 
divided  in  the  early  days.  The  picture  of  the  annual 
9 


114  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

feast  at  Shiloh  appears  to  be  early,  and  it  was  obvi- 
ously a  vintage  festival  at  the  celebration  of  which 
the  maidens  figured  conspicuously. 

Samuel 

The  division  of  Samuel  into  two  books  is  purely 
arbitary,  and  was  unknown  in  the  Hebrew  text  until 
the  sixteenth  century.  The  name  Samuel  is  not  very 
appropriate  for  the  books,  for  that  seer  is  the  chief 
figure  only  in  the  early  part  of  the  story.  The  name 
may  be  due  to  the  theory  that  the  prophets  were  the 
authors  of  various  sections  of  the  historic  books ;  thus 
in  I  Chr.  xxix,  29  we  have  a  note  of  "the  history  of 
Samuel  the  seer." 

The  books  cover  the  history  of  a  very  important 
period,  in  which  the  people  emerge  from  the  chaotic 
condition  of  the  age  of  the  Judges,  make  an  abortive 
effort  to  establish  an  independent  government  under 
Saul,  and  finally  reach  the  point  of  great  national 
power  under  David.  The  period  is  not  very  long, 
not  much  longer  than  the  life  of  an  individual,  but 
much  is  accomplished  in  the  short  time.  We  may 
compare  the  books  of  Kings,  which  are  about  the 
same  in  bulk,  and  which  cover  a  period  of  about  four 
centuries. 

The  books  are  like  most  others  in  the  Old  Testa- 
ment in  that  they  are  composite.  The  analysis  is 
sometimes  quite  difficult,  but  as  a  rule  it  is  easy  to 
differentiate  between  two  sources,  one  of  which  is 
early  and  the  other  quite  late,  and  that  distinction 


THE  HISTORICAL  LITERA  TURE  1 15 

will  serve  our  purpose  in  this  treatise.  For  conveni- 
ence these  will  be  designated  as  E  and  L  respectively. 
The  point  of  view  is  very  different  in  the  two  sources, 
especially  in  regard  to  Samuel's  position,  so  that  we 
really  have  two  Samuels,  and  in  the  early  part  of  his 
career,  two  Davids.  The  early  source  bears  every 
mark  of  trustworthiness. 

The  text  of  these  books  is  very  corrupt,  the  Sep- 
tuagint  often  showing  a  different  reading  from  the 
Hebrew.  We  shall  not  often  find  it  necessary  to  take 
up  the  textual  problems,  as  they  belong  to  the  com- 
mentaries, rather  than  to  a  general  hand-book. 

The  books  fall  into  six  main  divisions:  i.  The  rise 
of  Samuel  (I,  i-vii);  2.  The  rise  of  Saul  (I,  viii-xv); 
3.  The  rise  of  David  (I,  xvi-xxxi);  4.  David  as  king 
of  all  Israel  (11.  i-viii)  ;  5.  David"  s  decline  (II,  ix-xx); 
6.  An  appendix  (II,  xxi-xxiv). 

I.  The  rise  of  Samuel  (i  Sam.  i-vii). — In  the 
early  part  of  these  books,  Samuel  is  a  conspicious  fig- 
ure, as  he  is  named  more  than  125  times.  In  E  he 
is  pictured  merely  as  a  local  seer,  while  in  L  he  is  a 
prophet  of  national  fame,  and  is  really  a  dictator  mak- 
ing and  unmaking  even  kings,  and  assuming  absolute 
authority  to  regulate  their  administrations. 

Samuel's  early  life  is  described  in  cc.  i-iii,  which  is 
from  L,  and  it  is  a  beautiful  story  of  his  birth  in 
answer  to  his  mother's  prayers,  of  his  vision  while  a 
child  ministering  in  the  temple  at  Shiloh.  There  is 
worked  into  the  story  the  tale  of  the  evil  deeds  of  Eli's 


116  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

sons  and  of  the  doom  of  that  priestly  house,  so  that 
Samuel  is  recognized  as  the  great  prophet  of  Jahveh 
(iii,  20). 

Then  we  come  to  a  section  of  E,  iv-vii,  2,  in  which 
Samuel  is  never  mentioned,  and  in  which  the  ark  of 
Jahveh,  which  was  mentioned  but  incidentally  in  i-iii, 
occupies  the  centre  of  interest.  The  ark  is  taken 
into  battle  as  a  talisman,  but  is  captured  by  the  Philis- 
tines and  placed  in  the  temple  of  Dagon.  Wherever 
the  ark  goes,  a  pestilence,  now  generally  recognized 
as  the  Bubonic  plague,  breaks  out,  and  the  afflicted 
Philistines  send  the  ark  back  to  Judah  with  a  trespass 
offering.  It  lay  neglected  in  the  house  of  Abinadab 
in  Kirjath-jearim  for  twenty  years. 

In  c.  vii  Samuel  appears  as  the  national  hero,  and 
we  easily  recognize  L.  By  his  directions  the  people 
muster  for  battle  at  Mizpah.  Water  is  poured  out  as 
an  oblation;  a  rite  we  know  nothing  about,  though 
David  does  the  same  act  (i  Sam.  xxiii,  16).  When 
the  Philistines  assemble,  Samuel  offers  a  sucking 
lamb  as  a  sacrifice,  and  then  the  battle  is  joined, 
Jahveh  thundering  against  the  foe,  so  that  the  Philis- 
tines were  completely  subdued,  and  "came  no  more 
within  the  border  of  Israel,"  a  statement  quite  incon- 
sistent with  the  subsequent  history. 

2.  The  rise  of  Saul  (i  Sam.  viii-xv).— It  is  quite 
impossible  to  make  a  consistent,  straightforward 
story  out  of  this  section  as  it  stands.  Nowhere  in 
the  Old  Testament  is  there  more  unmistakable  evi- 


THE  HISTORICAL  LITER  A  TURE  1 1 7 

dence  of  duplicate  versions  of  the  same  story.  The  sec- 
tion is  quite  easily  separated  into  two  accounts  of  the 
crowning  of  Saul.  The  story  of  E  consists  of  ix,  i-x, 
i6,  2'jb\  xi;  xiii,  xiv;  the  story  of  L  consists  of  viii,  x, 
17-27^;  xii,  XV.  The  best  justification  of  the  analysis 
is  the  careful  study  of  each  account  separately ;  but 
here  we  must  be  content  with  a  simple  outline. 

(L)  Samuel  being  old  and  his  sons  and  natural  suc- 
cessors being  incompetent,  the  elders  come  to  him  and 
demand  that  a  king  shall  be  appointed.  Samuel  was 
displeased,  and  when  he  laid  the  matter  before  Jahveh, 
Jahveh  regarded  the  demand  as  an  act  of  rebellion,  yet 
he  directed  Samuel  to  comply.  The  prophet  tried  to 
dissuade  the  people  by  telling  them  how  the  king 
would  oppress  them.  As  the  people  persist,  an  as- 
sembly was  held,  the  lots  are  cast,  and  thus  Saul  is 
chosen.  Samuel  reviewed  his  own  administration  to 
show  how  faithful  he  had  been  and  emphasized  the 
crowning  wickedness  of  the  people  in  asking  for  a 
king.  Samuel  directed  Saul  to  exterminate  the  Amal- 
ekites  and  to  slay  all  their  cattle.  Saul  obeyed,  ex- 
cept that  he  reserved  Agag  the  king  and  some  of  the 
choice  animals  for  a  great  sacrifice.  Samuel  upbraided 
the  king  for  his  disobedience,  and  declared  that  Jah- 
veh had  rejected  him  from  being  king,  and  would  put  a 
better  man  in  his  place.  Samuel  never  saw  Saul 
again  to  the  day  of  his  death  (but  cf.  xix,  22  ff.). 

(E)  Saul  was  sent  with  a  servant  to  find  his  father's 
strayed  asses.  After  a  long  and  fruitless  search  end- 
ing in  Zuph,  at  the  servant's  suggestion  they  turned 


118  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

aside  to  consult  a  man  of  God  who  lived  near  by. 
Jahveh  had  warned  Samuel  that  a  Benjamite  would 
come  to  him  whom  he  was  to  anoint  king,  because 
Jahveh  was  moved  by  the  oppression  which  his  people 
suffered  at  the  hands  of  the  Philistines.  Samuel 
honored  Saul  and  entertained  him  over  night.  In  the 
morning,  having  sent  the  servant  on  ahead,  Samuel 
secretly  anointed  Saul,  gave  him  signs  which  would 
prove  his  divine  commission,  and  then  bade  him  seize 
the  opportunity  when  it  comes. 

Jabesh-gilead,  a  city  east  of  the  Jordan,  was  hard 
pressed  by  the  Ammonites.  The  besieged  sent  mes- 
sengers through  Israel,  reciting  their  sad  plight.  Saul 
was  coming  from  the  field  when  he  heard  the  sad 
news.  Cutting  his  oxen  to  pieces,  he  despatched 
strips  to  his  neighbors,  threatening  all  that  did  not 
rally  to  deliver  the  men  of  Jabesh-gilead.  Thus  he 
mustered  a  force,  saved  the  city,  and  was  then  pub- 
licly made  king.  The  rest  of  the  story  in  cc.  xiii,  xiv 
recites  how  Jonathan  forced  a  war  with  the  Philis- 
tines, how  the  first  battle  was  won,  and  how  nearly 
Jonathan  came  to  grief  because  he  had  unknowingly 
violated  Saul's  rash  oath  to  put  to  death  anyone  who 
tasted  food  before  the  battle  was  over. 

It  is  well  to  note  a  few  points  of  contrast.  In  L 
Samuel  is  the  national  dictator;  a  king  can  only  be 
appointed  by  his  authority,  and  be  assumes  power 
to  give  orders  to  the  king,  and  to  pronounce  deposi- 
tion when  the  king  obeys  imperfectly.  In  E  Samuel 
is  a  local  seer,  quite  unknown  to  Saul,  and  with  au- 


THE  HISTORICAL  LITERA  TURE  1 19 

thority  only  as  he  can  persuade  one  that  he  speaks 
the  word  of  God.  In  L  the  initiative  for  the  king- 
dom is  taken  by  the  people,  Samuel  and  Jahveh  be- 
ing opposed  to  it.  In  E  the  first  step  is  taken  by 
Jahveh,  Samuel  being  his  willing  agent,  and  the  peo- 
ple accept  the  kingdom  only  when  Saul  has  done  a 
valorous  act  which  entitles  him  to  consideration.  In 
L,  in  harmony  with  the  same  source  in  c.  vii,  the 
only  enemy  for  Saul  to  fight  is  the  desert  tribe  of 
Amalek.  In  E  the  land  is  held  by  the  Philistines,  and 
Israel  is  subject  to  them. 

3.  The  rise  of  David  (i.  Sam.  xvi-xxxi). — There  is 
a  story  in  xvi,  1-13  that  David  was  anointed  king 
by  Samuel  while  still  a  shepherd  lad,  for  the  purpose 
of  replacing  the  deposed  Saul.  This  story  is  from  L 
and  it  is  very  difificult  to  connect  it  with  any  subse- 
quent history.  In  xvi,  14-23  David  is  brought  to 
Saul's  court,  and  he  is  already  a  seasoned  warrior  as 
well  as  a  skilful  musician.  The  king  has  developed 
melancholia,  and  David  is  brought  to  soothe  him  with 
music.  Saul  becomes  so  attached  to  David  that  he 
makes  him  his  armor-bearer,  a  post  consistent  with 
his  fame  as  a  warrior. 

The  story  of  David  and  Goliath  as  told  in  c.  xvii 
bristles  with  knotty  problems.  David  has  become  a 
shepherd  lad  again,  coming  to  the  battle  by  accident; 
he  knows  nothing  of  war  or  armor,  and  can  only  fight 
with  the  sling.  Neither  Saul  nor  his  general,  Abner, 
know  who  David  is.     Moreover,  in  an  old  section  (2 


120  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

Sam.  xxi,  19),  it  is  said  that  Goliath  was  slain  by 
Elhanan.  The  chronicler  saw  the  difficulty  and  in- 
serted **brother  of"  before  "Goliath."  The  story  is 
inconsistent,  saying  that  David  put  Saul's  armor  in 
his  tent  and  took  his  head  to  Jerusalem,  whereas 
David  was  only  a  visitor  and  Jersualem  was  a  Jebu- 
site  city.  Some  texts  of  the  Ixx  lack  xvii,  12-31,  41; 
xvii,  55-xviii,  5;  but  this  relieves  the  passage  of  only 
a  part  of  its  difficulties.  The  story  appears  to  be  a 
parallel  to  xvi,  14-23,  a  duplicate  version  of  David's 
attachment  to  Saul's  court. 

At  any  rate  David  in  some  way  becomes  the  leader 
of  Saul's  army,  and  distinguishes  himself  in  the 
Philistine  wars;  his  praise  is  sung  in  a  popular  song, 
and  Saul's  jealousy  is  aroused  so  that  he  attempts  to 
assassinate  David  while  he  played  the  harp  (xviii, 
1-16).  The  history  becomes  now  a  story  of  Saul's 
persecution  of  David.  He  tried  to  secure  his  death 
at  the  hands  of  the  Philistines  (xviii,  17-30);  he 
ordered  him  slain  in  his  bed,  but  David  was  saved  by 
the  wife  he  had  won  by  killing  two  hundred  Philis- 
tines (xix,  1-17);  Saul  sends  messengers  to  capture 
David  after  his  flight,  but  David  is  protected  by  the 
prophets  who  bring  the  prophetic  frenzy  upon  the 
messengers  and  upon  Saul  himself,  thus  reducing 
them  to  impotence  (xix,  18-24).  Jonathan  is  led  to 
test  his  father's  attitude  towards  David;  he  finds 
his  hostility  unconquerable,  and  warns  David  to  flee 
(xx).  David  secures  Goliath's  sword  and  some  holy 
bread  from  Ahimelech,  the  priest  at  Nob,  and  goes  to 


THE  HISTORICAL  LITER  A  TURE  1 2 1 

the  court  of  Achish  the  king  of  Gath,  one  of  the  chief 
Philistine  cities.  The  officers  distrust  David,  and  he 
escapes  by  feigning  madness,  an  art  easy  for  an  at- 
tendant upon  the  mad  Saul,  and  effective  because  the 
person  of  a  madman  was  sacred  (c.  xxi). 

David  is  now  without  a  home,  country  or  follower. 
His  position  is  truly  perilous;  but  Saul  had  not 
been  able  to  rob  him  of  his  personality.  He  goes  to 
the  stronghold  of  Adullam  in  southern  Judah,  and 
gathers  a  band  of  outlaws.  Saul  learns  of  his  hiding 
place  and  relentlessly  pursues  him,  David  being  at 
times  in  great  peril.  Saul  ascertains  that  Ahimelech 
aided  David  and  slays  in  cold  blood  eighty-five  * 'per- 
sons that  did  wear  a  linen  ephod."  It  is  plain  that 
Saul  was  insane  and  that  his  homicidal  mania  was 
acute  (c.  xxii).  David  rescues  Keilah  from  the  Phil- 
istines, but  is  warned  by  the  oracle  that  the  men  he 
has  saved  will  betray  him  to  Saul.  He  returns  to  the 
wilderness  of  Judah,  and  escapes  only  because  Saul  is 
called  back  to  meet  an  attack  by  the  Philistines  (c. 
xxiii),  who  had  invaded  the  land  of  Israel. 

In  cc.  xxiv  and  xxvi  there  are  very  similar  stories 
of  Saul's  pursuit  of  David,  in  both  of  which  David 
had  the  king  at  his  mercy,  but  refused  to  stretch  out 
his  hand  against  "the  Lord's  anointed,"  and  in  both 
of  which  there  is  a  reconciliation  between  Saul  and 
David.  The  peace  was  vain,  for  David  did  not  return 
to  Saul's  court.  These  stories  have  exactly  the  same 
plot,  so  that  in  spite  of  the  great  divergence  in  detail, 
they  may  be  duplicates.     It  does,  however,  bring  us 


122  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

to  the  end  of  the  active  persecution.  Saul  becomes 
fully  engaged  elsewhere,  and  David  abandons  the 
land  of  Israel. 

Between  those  two  stories  there  is  an  account  (c. 
xxv)  from  an  apparently  early  source,  which  is  of  great 
importance  because  it  shows  the  first  traces  of  David's 
acting  the  part  of  a  ruler.  It  appears  that  he  protected 
the  herds  of  sheep  which  grazed  in  southern  Judah, 
and  then  levied  tribute  upon  the  sheepmasters.  It  is 
plain  that  he  would  have  slain  Nabal  for  refusing  to 
pay,  had  it  not  been  for  the  effective  intervention  of 
Abigail,  who  after  Nabal's  death  became  David's  first 
wife,  for  Saul's  daughter,  Michal,  he  had  been  com- 
pelled to  leave  and  she  had  been  given  to  another  man. 

David  is  afraid  to  risk  a  sojourn  in  the  Judean  wil- 
derness, and  as  he  now  has  an  effective  fighting  force 
he  returns  to  Achish  and  is  assigned  Ziklag  as  his  own 
city.  From  this  point  he  raided  the  country,  deceiv- 
ing Achish  by  telling  him  that  he  was  commiting  his 
depredations  in  Judah  (c.  xxvii).  The  Philistines  pre- 
pared for  an  invasion  of  Israel,  and  Achish  ordered 
David  to  join  the  expedition.  This  was  an  embarass- 
ing  situation  for  the  hero  of  Israel,  but  he  was  extri- 
cated by  the  jealous  officers  of  Achish,  who  feared  that 
at  the  critical  moment  he  would  turn  traitor,  so  that 
Achish  sent  him  back  (c.  xxix). 

Saul  was  in  acute  distress  when  he  learned  of  the 
invasion.  He  could  get  no  oracle  by  any  of  the  legit- 
mate  methods  of  ascertaining  the  divine  will.  In  his 
despair  he  consults  the  Witch  of  Endor.    By  her  arts 


THE  HISTORICAL  LITERA  TURK  123 

Samuel  is  made  to  appear  before  Saul  and  predicts 
that  he  will  fall  in  the  battle  to  be  fought  on  the  mor- 
row (c.  xxviii).  Saul  and  his  army  meet  the  Philis- 
tines on  Mount  Gilboa,  and  the  Israelites  meet  a  fear- 
ful disaster.  Saul's  sons  are  slain.  Saul  is  wounded, 
and  as  his  armor-bearer  refuses  to  put  an  end  to  his 
misery,  he  takes  his  own  life.  The  land  was  occupied 
by  the  conquerors,  and  Israel  was  in  sore  straits  (c. 
xxx). 

Meanwhile  David  and  his  hardy  band  of  600  had 
returned  to  Ziklag.  They  found  there  only  the 
smouldering  ruins  left  by  the  Amalekites,  a  tribe 
which  had  according  to  c.  xv,  been  exterminated.  Da- 
vid's band  was  not  very  well  disciplined,  and  a  mutiny 
nearly  broke  out.  The  leader  saved  the  day  by  quick 
and  vigorous  action.  The  raiders  were  overtaken, 
all  the  plunder  from  Ziklag  was  recovered,  and  much 
additional  booty  captured.  Of  his  own  share,  David 
sent  liberal  portions  to  a  number  of  Judean  towns, 
his  object  appearing  later  on  (see  c.  xxx). 

4.  David  becomes  kmg^  first  of  Judah,  then  of  all 
Israel  (2  Sam.  i-viii). — Two  days  after  his  return  in 
triumph  to  Ziklag,  an  Amalekite  brings  David  the 
news  of  Saul's  death,  claiming  that  he  had  dispatched 
the  wounded  king,  and  offering  Saul's  crown  and 
bracelet  as  evidence.'    David  at  once  orders  the  mes- 


=  This  story  differs  from  the  account  of  Saul's  death  in  i  Sam- 
xxxi,  4.  It  is  probable  that  the  Amalekite  invented  his  tale,  sup" 
posing  that  David  would  reward  the  one  who  killed  his  enemy. 
The  hostility  of  Saul  to  David  was  of  course  widely  known. 


124  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

senger  slain,  on  the  ground  that  he  had  committed  a 
crime  in  laying  his  hand  on  the  Lord's  anointed  (cf. 
I  Sam.  xxiv,  6;  xxvi,  ii). 

There  is  incorporated  David's  lament  over  Saul 
and  Jonathan  (i,  19-27).  The  compiler  quotes  the  song 
from  the  book  ofjashar,  from  which  ''the  song  of  the 
sun"  was  also  taken  (Josh,  x,  I2f.),  evidently  a  col- 
lection of  poems  on  the  early  heroes.  There  is  no 
reason  to  question  David's  authorship  of  the  song, 
but  it  is  very  different  from  the  Psalms  attributed  to 
David,  especially  in  the  absence  of  any  religious  note. 
But  it  does  establish  the  fact  that  David  was  a  poet 
as  well  as  musician.  The  song  breathes  a  genuine 
admiration  for  Saul,  and  is  especially  touching  in  its 
description  of  Jonathan's  affection. 

Saul's  death  cleared  the  way  for  David  to  return  to 
Judah,  for  there  was  no  longer  any  danger  of  persecu- 
tion. After  consulting  Jahveh,  David  went  to  He- 
bron, and  by  the  action  of  ''the  men  of  Judah"  was 
anointed  king  over  that  tribe.  It  is  well  to  emphasize 
the  fact  that  for  seven  years  David  was  king  of  the 
tribe  of  Judah  only,  and  that  during  that  time  his 
capital  was  at  Hebron.  It  is  plain  from  his  commen- 
dation of  the  Jabesh-gileadites  (ii,  4^-7),  as  well  as 
from  his  subsequent  actions,  that  it  was  his  ambition 
to  rule  over  a  larger  empire. 

There  is  curiously  not  a  hint  in  our  sources  as  to  the  begin- 
ning of  David's  aspirations  towards  the  throne.  During  Saul's 
lifetime  he  steadily  refused  to  undertake  any  act  of  hostility  to- 
wards his  former  chief.     His  actions  are  generally  inconsistent 


THE  HISTORICAL  LITERA  TURE  1 25 

with  the  anointing  in  his  boyhood  described  in  i  Sam.  xvi,  1-13. 
Yet  it  is  possible  that  Samuel  had  recognized  the  impossibility 
of  the  continuance  of  the  house  of  Saul  and  had  inspired  David 
to  prepare  for  the  succession.  Many  of  the  revolutions  of  later 
days  in  Israel  were  instigated  by  the  prophets.  The  moment 
Saul  was  dead,  David  went  to  Judah  to  become  king.  He  had 
evidently  prepared  for  this  in  advance,  as  he  had  sent  presents 
of  his  spoil  to  the  elders  of  Judah  (i  Sam.  xxx,  26fif.).  There 
was  some  influence  which  restrained  David  as  long  as  Saul  was 
alive,  perhaps  the  inadequacy  of  his  own  resources,  but  he  acted 
vigorously  the  moment  Saul  was  dead.  The  house  of  Saul  was 
pretty  nearly  exterminated,  and  the  power  of  Benjamin  was 
badly  shattered  by  the  battle  of  Gilboa ;  on  the  other  hand, 
David  had  a  strong  tribe  at  his  back  ;  and  Judah  had  at  its  head 
one  of  the  great  rulers  of  history. 

Abner  had  gathered  the  scattered  remnant  of  the 
forces  of  Israel  at  Mahanaim  on  the  east  of  the  Jor- 
dan, and  he  made  the  weakling,  Ish-bosheth,  or  prop- 
erly Ishbaal,  king.  David  sent  Joab  northward,  and 
as  Abner  heard  of  his  movements,  he  brought  a  force 
and  the  two  bands  met.  Starting  apparently  to  play,  a 
battle  was  begun,  and  in  the  pursuit  Asahel,  the 
brother  of  Joab,  was  slain  by  Abner  (ii,  8-32).  It 
appears  that  a  border  warfare  was  waged  steadily,  the 
house  of  Saul  gradually  losing  ground.  The  climax 
came  as  a  result  of  a  quarrel  between  Abner  and  Ish- 
baal, resulting  in  Abner's  defection.  Joab  discovered 
that  Abner  was  likely  to  have  high  command  in  the 
army  as  a  reward  of  his  treachery,  and  he  slew  him  un- 
der the  guise  of  blood  revenge  on  account  of  the  kill- 
ing of  Asahel  (ii,  23).  David  composed  a  lament  over 
Abner,  and  by  thus  disavowing  any  share  in  his  mur- 
der further  won  the  favor  of  the  Israelites  (iii,  33  f.). 


126  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

The  way  was  opened  to  David  by  the  timely  assas- 
sination of  Ish-baal  by  two  villians,  whose  sole  purpose 
apparently  was  to  earn  a  rich  reward  from  David. 
Their  pay  was  their  execution  (c.  iv).  As  Israel  was 
now  without  a  king  or  a  general,  and  as  the  land  was 
overrun  with  the  Philistines,  it  was  natural  for  the 
Israelites  to  turn  to  the  one  man  who  had  showed 
competency  in  both  peace  and  war.  A  treaty  was 
made,  and  as  David  accepted  the  terms  he  was  anointed 
king  of  Israel,  and  thus  a  sort  of  dual  monarchy  was 
established  (v,  1-5). 

It  would  be  interesting  to  know  what  the  terms  of  that  treaty- 
were.  From  the  action  of  the  northern  tribes  at  a  later  time 
(see  I  Ki.  xii,  3  ff.),  it  is  plain  that  they  had  established  a 
constitutional  monarchy.  The  subsequent  history  shows  that 
the  union  between  Judah  and  Israel  was  never  very  close. 

For  seven  years  David  had  ruled  in  Hebron,  but 
now  that  his  empire  extended  so  far  to  the  north,  a 
more  central  capital  was  requisite.  Jerusalem  was  by 
its  situation  the  strongest  city  of  the  country,  and  its 
situation  was  ideal  as  it  was  on  the  border  between 
Israel  and  Judah.  Moreover,  David  was  too  strong 
now  to  permit  a  foreign  clan  to  hold  an  important  city 
in  the  very  heart  of  his  land.  The  city  was  captured 
and  became  the  seat  of  the  house  of  David  as  long  as 
it  endured,  and  a  centre  of  religious  interest  to  all  the 
world.  The  king  now  turned  his  attention  to  the 
Philistines,  and  in  two  vigorous  campaigns,  which 
are  but  meagerly  described,  cleared  the  land  of  its 
ancient  enemy  (v,  6-25). 


THE  HISTORICAL  LITER  A  TURE  1 11 

There  follows  a  long  story  of  David's  bringing  the 
ark  to  Jerusalem.  The  ark  had  been  left  at  the  house 
of  Abinadab  twenty  years  before  (i  Sam.  vii,  i  f. ).  It 
was  a  much-esteemed  object,  and  David  desired  its 
presence  in  his  new  capital.  The  first  attempt  re- 
sulted in  disaster,  Uzzah,  one  of  the  king's  company, 
being  killed  in  some  accident,  though  the  details  are 
not  given  with  much  fullness.  A  second  attempt,  the 
account  of  which  reveals  much  of  the  later  point  of 
view,  in  which  the  Levites  figure  prominently,  is 
successful  (c.  vi). 

In  c.  vii  there  is  the  beautiful  story  of  David's  pro- 
posal to  build  a  temple  to  Jahveh,  a  project  which 
Nathan  the  prophet  commended  at  first,  but  later  dis- 
approved. There  is  a  good  deal  of  the  deuteronomic 
coloring  in  the  passage  as  it  stands.  The  real  point 
of  the  passage  is  God's  promise  to  build  David  a 
house.  It  may  be  an  old  story  worked  over  to  make 
it  fit  the  theory  of  the  preparation  for  the  Solomonic 
temple. 

There  follows  a  summary  account  of  David's  wars 
(c.  viii).  It  appears  that  David's  ambition  was  not 
satisfied  with  the  land  of  Judah  and  Israel,  and  so  he 
began  to  extend  his  borders.  Philistia,  Moab,  Syria, 
and  Edom  were  successively  conquered ;  and  thus  the 
Hebrew  kingdom  reached  its  greatest  power  under 
the  very  king  who  established  it. 

5.  David's  decline  (2  Sam.  ix-xx). —  Many  of  Da- 
vid's acts  are  susceptible  of  an  explanation  from  either 


128  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

a  good  or  an  evil  motive.  Thus  his  discovery  of  Me- 
ribaal,  or  Mephibosheth,  and  bringing  him  to  his  court 
(c.  ix),  might  be  due  to  the  old  affection  for  Jonathan, 
or  to  his  desire  to  have  the  only  known  survivor  of 
the  house  of  Saul  virtually  a  prisoner.  Perhaps  in 
all  these  cases  the  king  should  be  given  the  benefit  of 
the  doubt. 

Ammon  had  not  yet  been  acquired  by  David,  pos- 
sibly some  friendly  relations  of  earlier  days  hinted  at 
here  (x,  2)  had  forbidden  a  conquest.  But  the  ill 
treatment  of  David's  ambassadors,  whose  persons 
have  always  been  sacred,  made  a  casus  belli,  and  Joab 
soon  conquered  the  land  and  shut  its  king  up  in 
Rabbah,  his  chief  city,  which  was  closely  besieged. 
The  story  of  this  Ammonite  war  is  now  mixed  up 
with  one  of  the  darkest  crimes  in  Hebrew  history. 
David's  lust  for  a  beautiful  woman  sweeps  him  into 
the  crime  of  adultery.  He  makes  the  unsuspecting 
husband  drunk  in  his  endeavor  to  cover  up  the  evi- 
dence of  his  wrong,  and  when  he  finds  that  the  brave 
warrior  will  not  lie  in  bed  while  his  general  and  the 
ark  are  in  the  open  field,  |he  sends  Uriah  back  with 
orders  that  he  be  placed  in  a  hazardous  position  where 
he  is  sure  to  be  killed  (c.  xi).  Joab  was  shrewd  enough 
to  discover  that  David  had  a  motive  for  Uriah's  death ; 
but  it  was  Nathan  the  prophet  who  discovered  the 
whole  story  and  administered  a  stinging  rebuke  to  the 
king  in  the  form  of  a  parable.  It  is  typical  of  the 
Jewish  theology  that  the  death  of  the  child  of  David's 
crime   was   interpreted   as   the   divine    punishment. 


THE  HISTORICAL  LITER  A  TURE  1 29 

There  is  further  evidence  that  David  was  losing  his 
hold  on  the  business  of  the  state,  in  that  Joab  must 
threaten  him  to  constrain  him  to  come  to  the  front 
and  be  present  at  the  fall  of  the  capital  of  Ammon 
(xii,  26  ff.). 

Crime  and  trouble  multiply  at  David's  court.  Am- 
non  rapes  his  half-sister  Tamar,  and  two  years  later  is 
assassinated  by  her  brother  Absalom,  and  the  latter 
is  obliged  to  flee  to  Syria,  the  home  of  his  mother 
(c.  xiii).  Joab  is  now  all  powerful  at  David's  court, 
and  with  the  aid  of  a  wise  woman  from  Tekoah  secures 
the  recall  of  Absalom  and  his  reconciliation  with  his 
father  (c.  xiv). 

The  rebellion  of  Absalom  occupies  more  space  in  the 
books  than  any  other  event  in  David's  reign.  Chap- 
ters xv-xix  are  devoted  to  it  exclusively,  and  cc.  xiiif. 
may  well  be  regarded  as  an  introduction.  A  breach 
had  been  made  between  Absalom  and  his  father. 
After  the  death  of  Amnon,  he  was  the  heir  apparent 
to  the  throne.  David  was  getting  old,  and  there 
would  seem  to  be  no  use  in  forcing  matters.  Absa- 
lom's course  was  probably  determined  by  his  knowl- 
edge of  the  scheme  of  Bathsheba  to  secure  the  suc- 
cession for  her  son  Solomon.  There  is  no  evidence 
of  that  plot  at  this  period,  but  it  comes  out  clearly  a 
little  later,  and  its  existence  at  this  time  supplies  a 
motive  for  Absalom's  course. 

Absalom  went  to  Hebron  to  inaugurate  his  rebel- 
lion, because  there  would  be  defection  among  the 
Judeans  on  account  of  the  removal  of  the  capital  from 


130  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

that  place.  But  it  was  not  the  Judeans  alone  that 
flocked  to  the  rebel  standard.  It  is  an  amazing  fact 
that  the  revolutionary  spirit  swept  over  the  whole 
country,  so  that  David  did  not  dare  trust  himself  in 
Jerusalem,  or  anywhere  west  of  the  Jordan.  The 
disaffection  towards  David  was  very  widespread, — 
further  evidence  of  the  decline  of  his  power.  Indeed, 
Absalom's  popularity  was  made  possible  by  David's 
indifference  to  the  welfare  of  his  people. 

The  throne  was  saved  for  David  by  diplomacy. 
David  owed  his  life  neither  to  Joab  nor  to  his  other 
efficient  generals,  but  to  Hushai  the  Archite,  who  as- 
sumed the  role  of  spy  at  Absalom's  court.  Had  Ahith- 
ophel's  counsel  to  pursue  David  quickly  (xvii,  1-3) 
been  followed,  it  is  probable  that  the  rebellion  would 
have  succeeded.  Ahithophel  realized  that  all  was  lost 
the  moment  Hushai's  dilatory  tactics  were  adopted 
(xvii,  7ff.),  and  he  went  to  his  home  and  hanged  him- 
self (xvii,  23). 

Absalom  had  neglected  the  east-Jordan  country,  and 
there  David  found  loyal  supporters.  Under  his  three 
capable  generals  an  army  was  soon  mustered  and 
equipped  for  war.  When  finally  Absalom  crossed  the 
Jordan  and  battle  was  joined  in  the  "forest  of  Ephra- 
im"  (xviii,  6),  his  ill-organized  forces  were  no  match 
for  Joab's  veterans,  and  with  the  death  of  Absalom, 
the  rebellion  quickly  ended.  The  quarrel  between 
Judah  and  Israel  over  David's  return  (xix,  9  ff.)  is  ad- 
ditional evidence  of  the  lack  of  unity  in  the  state.  An- 
other incident  connected  with  the  war  was  the  doubt 


THE  HISTORICAL  LITERA  TURE  131 

about  the  loyalty  of  Meribaal.  David  at  first  accepted 
the  statement  of  Ziba  that  his  master  was  watching  an 
opportunity  for  the  restoration  of  the  house  of  Saul 
(xvi  1-4),  but  later,  when  Meribaal  reached  him  and 
told  a  story  of  Ziba's  treachery  (xix,  24  £f.),  the  king 
was  led  to  compromise  and  restore  half  of  the  confis- 
cated property  to  the  grandson  of  Saul. 

The  dispute  between  Judah  and  Israel  led  to  the 
rebellion  of  Sheba.  Sheba  was  a  Benjamite  and 
apparently  of  the  same  clan  as  Saul,  since  Becorath 
(i  Sam.  ix,  i)  may  be  the  same  as  Bichri  (xx,  i).  The 
vigorous  measures  of  Joab  soon  brought  this  rebellion 
to  an  end.  Incidentally,  Joab  seized  the  opportunity 
to  strike  down  Amasa,  who  had  been  promised  chief 
command  by  David  (xix,  13;  xx,  10). 

6.  An  appe^idix  (2  Sam.  xxi-xxiv). — This  is  made 
up  of  miscellaneous  material,  but  all  is  connected  with 
the  reign  of  David.  There  is  first  the  story  of  the 
famine  which  led  to  the  execution  of  seven  descend- 
ants of  Saul  at  the  request  of  the  Gibeonites  (xxi,  i- 
14).  Budde  contends  that  this  incident  preceded  the 
discovery  of  Meribaal  (c.  ix),  since  here  it  is  easy  to 
find  seven  of  Saul's  house,  while  in  c.  ix  it  is  with 
difficulty  that  one  is  discovered.  The  rest  of  c.  xxi 
is  devoted  to  an  account  of  the  killing  of  four  Philis- 
tines champions,  one  of  whom  is  Goliath.  This  pas- 
sage naturally  connects  closely  with  xxiii,  8  ff.,  the 
original  sequence  being  broken  by  the  insertion  of 
two  poems. 


132  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

One  of  these  poems  (c.  xxii)  is  another  version  of 
Ps.  xviii,  and  is  introduced  here  because  it  was  sup- 
posed to  belong  to  the  story  of  David's  wars.  The 
other  is  called  ^'David's  last  words"  (xxiii,  17),  a 
poem  of  poor  quality,  of  late  origin,  and  preserved  in 
a  very  corrupt  text. 

The  rest  of  c.  xxiii  contains  a  list  of  David's  heroes. 
From  this  list  and  the  brief  records  of  some  of  their 
deeds,  it  is  clear  that  David's  warriors  won  their 
places  by  their  deeds  of  valor.  The  last  chapter 
(xxiv)  is  interesting  from  the  light  it  throws  on  the 
theology  of  the  time.  A  destructive  pestilence  is  in- 
terpreted as  a  visitation  from  God  because  David  had 
done  wrong  in  making  a  census.  The  theology  had 
changed  radically  when  the  chronicler  wrote  his  his- 
tory, for  he  substitutes  Satan  for  Jahveh  as  the  tempter 
of  David  (i  Chr.  xxi,  i).  This  passage  naturally  con- 
nects with  xxi,  1-14. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  the  series  of  insertions  in 
these  closing  chapters.  The  history  goes  straight 
from  c.  XX  to  i  Ki.  i.  As  supplementary  material 
was  added,  it  was  invariably  pushed  into  the  middle 
rather  than  appended  at  the  end.  The  original  con- 
nections and  the  various  insertions  may  be  graphic- 
ally represented  thus,  the  backets,  etc.,  showing  allied 
parts : — 


2  Sam.  XX.  I  Kings  i. 


[xxi,  1-14  (xxi,  15-22 xxii,  xxiii,  1-8 xxiii,  8-39)  xxiv] 


THE  HISTORICAL  LITERA  TURE  133 

Kings 

The  books  of  Kings  were  regarded  as  one  by  the 
Hebrews,  and  they  are  one.  The  separation  into 
two  books  is  comparatively  modern  and  is  wholly  ar- 
bitrary. The  period  covered  is  from  the  accession  of 
Solomon  to  the  fall  of  Jerusalem,  586  b.c.  The  date 
of  Solomon  can  be  pretty  closely  determined.  The 
invasion  of  Shishak,  described  in  i  Kings  xiv,  25-28, 
as  ascertained  from  the  Egyptian  records,  took  place 
about  933  B.C.  That  catastrophe  fell  in  the  early  part 
of  the  reign  of  Rehoboam.  As  Solomon  reigned 
forty  years  (i  Ki.  xi,  42)  his  rule  began  about  970  b.c. 
These  books,  therefore,  cover  a  period  of  almost  four 
hundred  years. 

The  books  of  Kings  are  confessedly  a  compilation. 
The  editor  often  refers  to  his  sources  thus:  "the  book 
of  the  acts  of  Solomon"  (i  Ki.  xi,  41);  ''the  chron- 
icles of  the  kings  of  Israel"  (i  Ki.  xiv,  19);  "the 
chronicles  of  the  kings  of  Judah"  (i  Ki.  xiv,  29). 
The  last  two  sources  are  referred  to  very  often,  and 
they  imply  that  in  the  author's  time  there  were  still 
extant  both  Judean  and  Israelite  histories.  It  was 
the  custom  of  the  ancient  kings  to  keep  a  record  of 
the  events  of  their  reigns ;  one  of  the  regular  court 
officials  being  the  scribe  (2  Sam.  viii,  17;  2  Ki.  xviii, 
18).  The  compiler  does  not  attempt  to  give  an  ac- 
count of  the  events  which  fell  in  each  reign,  but  re- 
fers the  reader  to  these  histories  in  case  he  desires 
further  information.     Besides  these  sources  the  editor 


134  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

also  incorporates  large  sections  from  prophetic  stories, 
especially  the  biographies  of  Elijah  and  of  Elisha. 

The  book  is  fortunately  complete  in  that  it  names 
every  king  both  of  Judah  and  of  Israel,  a  paragraph 
being  devoted  to  each  sovereign.  The  stories  are, 
however,  very  disproportionate,  so  that  of  some  of 
the  kings  we  have  nothing  but  the  frequently  recur- 
ring formula,  while  of  others  we  have  a  liberal  account. 

There  is  worked  out  a  systematic  chronological  sys- 
tem. The  advent  of  each  king  of  Judah  is  marked 
by  a  cross-reference  to  the  year  of  the  contemporary 
king  of  Israel,  and  conversely.  But  if  we  make  a 
table  from  these  records,  we  soon  reach  confusion. 
Either  the  compiler  was  careless,  or,  more  probably, 
the  figures  have  not  been  correctly  transmitted.  For 
exact  dates  we  are  dependent  upon  the  contemporary 
records  of  Egypt,  Assyria  and  Babylonia.  Fortunately 
these  dates  are  trustworthy. 

There  are  other  sources  from  which  further  light 
on  this  period  may  be  obtained.  Thus  there  is  a 
completely  parallel  history  of  this  whole  period  in  2 
Chronicles  (see  further  in  the  section  on  Chronicles). 
There  is  a  duplicate  of  2  Kings  xviii-xx  in  Is.  xxxvi- 
xxxix.  For  a  large  part  of  this  period  the  pre-exilic 
prophetic  books  afford  much  additional  information. 

The  editor  pronounces  a  judgment  on  the  character 
of  each  of  the  kings  enumerated.  Of  the  kings  of 
Israel  his  opinion  is  uniformly  unfavorable.  Of  the 
Judean  kings,  he  says  of  some  that  they  did  right  in 
the  eyes  of  Jahveh,   of  others  that  they  did  wrong. 


THE  HISTORICAL  LITER  A  TURE  135 

He  has  made  it  possible  to  ascertain  the  basis  of  his 
judgment.  It  was  purely  a  question  of  idolatry. 
Those  kings  who  were  faithful  to  Jahveh's  temple 
are  deemed  good,  and  all  others  are  denounced  as  bad. 
As  the  Israelite  kings  had  nothing  to  do  with  the 
temple,  they  are  condemned  altogether.  The  author's 
judgment  is  vitiated  by  his  failure  to  see  things  from 
a  more  comprehensive  point  of  view. 

The  books  may  conveniently  be  divided  into  three 
sections:  (i)  The  reign  of  Solomon  (i  Ki.  i-xi);  (2) 
The  reigns  of  the  kings  of  Israel  and  ofjudah  (i  Ki. 
xii-2  Ki.  xvii);  (3)  The  reigns  of  the  kings  of  Judah 
(after  the  fall  of  Samaria),  (2  Ki.  xviii-xxv). 

I.  Solomon  (i  Ki.  i-xi). — We  note  the  relatively 
large  space  given  to  this  reign.  That  was  due  to  the 
interest  in  the  building  of  the  temple  and  to  the  prep- 
aration for  the  downfall  of  the  Davidic  empire  in  the 
rebellion  of  several  subject  peoples  and  in  the  seces- 
sion of  the  northern  tribes.  The  first  part  (cc.  i  f.), 
really  contains  the  sequel  to  the  history  of  David, 
and  that  fact  is  witness  of  the  close  connection  be- 
tween Samuel  and  Kings.  The  history  is  a  direct 
continuation  of  that  in  i  Samuel  xx. 

The  rebellion  of  Adonijah  suggests  that  the  desig- 
nation of  Solomon  as  David's  successor  was  due  to 
the  intriguing  of  the  favorite  Bathsheba,  though  it 
had  the  support  of  the  great  prophet  Nathan.  It  may 
be  that  Absalom's  rebellion  had  also  been  an  effort 
to  forestall   Solomon's   succession.      David   realized 


136  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

that  he  was  too  old  to  cope  with  internal  disorders, 
and  so  Solomon  was  crowned  while  his  father  was  still 
alive.  The  dying  bequest  of  David  that  Solomon 
should  bring  vengeance  upon  those  enemies  whom  he 
had  been  unable  to  punish  (c.  ii)  is  told,  not  to  dis- 
credit David,  for  it  was  no  great  wrong  from  the 
Semitic  point  of  view,  but  to  show  the  cleverness  of 
the  new  king.  It  is  an  especially  characteristic  story 
that  Solomon  appoints  conditions  for  Shimei's  living 
which  he  is  sure  will  not  long  be  kept.  The  wise 
king  gives  the  culprit  rope  so  that  he  hangs  himself. 

The  history  of  Solomon  concerns  itself  with  his  fa- 
mous wisdom,  the  splendor  of  his  court,  and  his  great 
building  operations.  The  wisdom  is  recognized  as 
the  direct  gift  of  God  as  an  answer  to  the  king's  prayer 
(c.  iii),  though  it  had  been  demonstrated  before  the 
vision  at  Gibeon.  The  description  of  his  court  in  c. 
iv  shows  that  the  king  was  aiming  at  a  magnificence 
such  as  existed  in  the  neighboring  states  like  Egypt 
and  Assyria,  though  his  empire  was  comparatively 
small  and  poor. 

Four  chapters  are  devoted  to  Solomon's  building 
operations:  cc.  v,  vi,  vii,  13-47,  viii  to  the  temple, 
and  c.  vii,  1-12  to  the  royal  houses.  A  treaty  was 
made  with  Hiram,  king  of  Tyre,  so  that  the  famous 
cedar  timber  from  Lebanon  might  be  secured,  and 
skilled  carpenters  obtained  to  prepare  it.  Solomon 
furnished  a  vast  force  of  unskilled  laborers,  180,000 
men  according  to  v,  13-15.  Even  if  we  suppose  the 
figures  to  be  exaggerated,  there  is  still  evidence  of 


THE  HISTORICAL  LITER  A  TURE  137 

the  immense  number  of  workmen ;  for  the  transporting 
of  the  lumber  and  stones  was  alone  a  big  undertaking 
in  a  day  when  all  this  work  must  be  done  by  hand. 

From  the  full  description  in  c.  vi  we  cull  some  of 
the  leading  features  of  the  temple :  (i)  Its  dimensions 
in  cubits  were  60x20x30.  (2)  There  was  a  porch 
across  the  front  10  cubits  wide.  (3)  Chambers  were 
built  on  three  sides  (all  but  the  front).  These  were 
arranged  in  three  stories,  and  the  width  of  the  rooms 
increased  towards  the  top,  because  the  wall  of  the 
temple  proper  was  widest  at  the  bottom.  The  floor 
beams  of  these  rooms  rested  on  the  buttressing  temple 
wall  and  were  not  let  into  it.  (4)  The  stones  were  all 
dressed  at  the  quarry,  so  that  there  should  not  be  the 
sound  of  a  tool  at  the  temple  itself.  (5)  The  interior 
walls  were  covered  with  cedar,  and  the  floor  was  made 
of  Cyprus.  (6)  At  the  rear  end  was  an  oracle.  This 
was  a  cube,  20  cubits  in  each  dimension.  This  was 
built  for  the  ark  of  Jahveh,  and  the  ark  was  guarded 
by  two  gigantic  cherubim.  (7)  The  interior  of  the 
oracle  and  of  the  temple,  walls  and  floor,  were  over- 
laid with  pure  gold.  (8)  The  construction  of  the  tem- 
ple was  accomplished  in  seven  years. 

There  was  probably  an  early  story  of  the  buiding 
of  the  temple,  but  it  has  obviously  been  worked  over 
by  later  hands.  It  certainly  seems  improbable  that 
the  whole  building  was  lined  with  gold.  The  story 
of  the  consecration  of  the  temple  (c.  viii)  shows  at 
many  points  ideas  belonging  to  a  later  age  than 
Solomon's. 


138  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

The  editor  explains  the  downfall  of  David's  empire 
as  due  to  the  fact  that  Solomon  married  many  foreign 
wives,  allowing  each  one  to  worship  her  own  god,  and 
that  when  he  grew  old  "his  wives  turned  away  his 
heart  after"  the  gods  they  served  (xi,  i-8).  The  re- 
bellions of  the  vassal  nations  followed  as  a  punishment 
from  Jahveh  (xi,  9-25).  The  revolt  of  the  northern 
tribes  under  Jeroboam,  however,  tells  another  story; 
but  that  really  belongs  to  the  next  section. 

2.  The  history  of  the  two  kingdoms  (i  Ki.  xii-2  Ki. 
xvii). — It  is  plain  that  the  revolt  of  Jeroboam  was 
first  suggested  by  the  prophet  Ahijah  (xi,  29  ff.). 
The  prophets  often  engaged  in  political  agitation; 
they  were  statesmen  as  well  as  seers.  It  seems  cer- 
tain that  Jeroboam,  who  had  won  favor  from  Solomon, 
started  rebellious  proceedings  in  Solomon's  lifetime, 
but  they  were  suppressed  and  the  rebel  was  obliged 
to  flee  to  Egypt.  When  Rehoboam  succeeded  to  the 
throne,  the  favorable  moment  came.  The  new  king 
rules  over  Judah  by  right  of  his  birth,  but  it  is  dif- 
ferent in  Israel,  for  Rehoboam  must  go  to  Shechem 
for  separate  coronation.  The  northern  tribes  have  a 
treaty  with  the  house  of  David  {cf,  2  Sam.  v,  3);  and 
now  they  invoke  their  bill  of  rights  and  name  the 
conditions  under  which  they  will  accept  Rehoboam 
as  their  king. 

The  terms  they  propose  (xii,  5)  reveal  the  true 
cause  of  the  collapse  of  the  Davidic  empire.  Solo- 
mon had  been  oblivious  of  the  smallness  and  poverty  of 


THE  HISTORICAL  LITERATURE  139 

his  kingdom.  Vast  numbers  had  been  impressed  for 
his  building  operations;  heavy  taxes  had  been  imposed 
to  feed  his  immense  army  of  workmen,  to  maintain  the 
splendor  of  his  court,  and  to  support  the  large  force 
of  Phoenician  carpenters.  The  people  had  been  op- 
pressed and  impoverished  to  a  point  no  longer  endur- 
able, and  when  Rehoboam,  at  the  instigation  of  his 
youthful  counsellors,  refused  their  terms,  the  rule  of 
the  house  of  David  over  the  tribes  of  Israel  ended 
forever. 

In  spite  of  the  prejudice  of  the  compiler,  for  the 
greater  part  of  this  period,  the  interest  lies  in  the 
north  and  not  in  Judah.  Indeed  we  have  no  history 
of  Judah  except  as  it  is  mixed  with  the  fortunes  of 
Israel,  as  in  the  days  of  Jehoshaphat.  For  much  of 
the  period  (930-722)  there  was  war  between  Judah  and 
Israel  in  which  Judah  is  usually  worsted  and  becomes 
practically  a  vassal  of  Israel.  The  implication  that 
the  separation  was  peaceful  (xii,  20  ff.)  is  flatly  con- 
tradicted by  such  passages  as  xiv,  30;  xv,  6  f . ;  Is.  vii, 
17.  It  is  clear  that  the  preponderance  of  power  lies 
in  the  north.  The  combined  tribes  of  Israel  were 
much  stronger  than  the  single  tribe  of  Judah. 

Yet  the  kingdom  of  Judah  outlasted  that  of  Israel 
by  nearly  a  century  and  a  half.  Judah  had  the  advan- 
tage of  geographical  situation.  Israel  was  on  the  main 
highway  between  Egypt  and  Assyria,  two  powers  al- 
ways fighting  for  control  of  Palestine.  Judah  was 
isolated  and  could  keep  out  of  world  politics.  Judah 
had  the  advantage,  too,  of  a  capital  easily  defended 


140  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

against  an  overwhelming  force.  Until  the  building 
of  Samaria,  Israel  scarcely  had  a  centre  at  all,  and 
then  the  capital  lacked  the  natural  security  of  Jeru- 
salem. Judah  had  the  advantage,  further,  of  a  stable 
government.  Through  the  whole  period  the  house  of 
David  maintained  its  place,  and  was  only  once  in  any 
serious  danger.  In  Israel  there  were  eight  different 
dynasties,  so  that  there  was  a  successful  revolution 
on  an  average  of  every  twenty-five  years.  Each  rev- 
olution was  the  result  of  civil  war,  and  these  strug- 
gles made  a  heavy  drain  upon  the  resources  of  the 
kingdom. 

In  this  section  the  compiler  draws  liberally  from  the 
prophetic  biographies.  In  c.  xiii  we  have  really  little 
else  but  the  tale  of  the  prophet  who  was  slain  because 
be  did  not  strictly  obey  his  instructions,  but  was  led 
astray  by  an  older  seer  who  seems  to  have  been  the 
tool  of  the  king.  There  is  little  in  the  history,  save 
a  list  of  the  various  kings  and  tales  of  revolution,  until 
we  reach  the  reign  of  Ahab,  the  son  of  the  successful 
rebel  Omri.  About  this  dynasty  of  Omri  we  have 
considerable  information,  but  it  comes  chiefly  from 
the  prophetic  stories  of  Elijah  and  Elisha.  On  the 
religious  side  it  is  regarded  as  the  dark  age  for 
Israel;  but  it  is  different  from  the  political  point  of 
view,  for  the  house  of  Omri  was  one  of  the  ablest  in 
the  history  of  Israel,  and  it  lasted  for  four  genera- 
tions. Some  measure  of  its  political  strength  was 
due  to  Jezebel,  the  Phoenician  wife  of  Ahab.  She 
made  havoc  of  the  worshippers  of  Jahveh,  but  she  was 


THE  HISTORICAL  LITERA  TURK  141 

a  capable  queen,  even  though  she  was  decidedly  un- 
scrupulous in  her  methods. 

The  Elijah  stories  (xvii-xix,  xxi)  are  taken  from  a 
larger  biography.  The  compiler  apparently  incorpo- 
rated such  parts  as  peculiarly  testified  to  the  weak- 
ness of  Ahab  and  the  wickedness  of  Jezebel.  These 
stories  are  as  graphic  as  can  be  found  in  any  literature. 
Of  course  they  reveal  the  characteristics  of  popular 
stories  of  their  great  hero  rather  than  those  of  critical 
histories.  The  king  is  subordinate  to  the  prophet,  as 
in  the  later  strand  of  the  history  of  Samuel.  The 
prophet's  power  is  without  limit:  he  is  fed  by  the 
ravens;  keeps  meal  in  the  barrel  and  oil  in  the  jar; 
raises  the  dead  to  life;  brings  the  miraculous  fire  from 
heaven;  produces  drought  or  deluge  at  his  will;  and 
disappears  in  the  chariot  of  fire. 

In  the  story  of  Ahab's  reign  there  is  introduced 
the  disastrous  attempt  to  wrest  Ramoth-gilead  from 
the  Syrians  (xx,  xxii).  This  history  is  associated 
with  a  brief  tale  of  a  prophet,  one  of  the  worthiest 
men  of  God  that  ever  wore  the  prophetic  mantle. 
Micaiah,  the  son  of  Imlah,  was  brought  from  prison 
to  testify  to  the  will  of  Jahveh,  and  though  he  was 
importuned  to  follow  the  course  of  Ahab's  subser- 
vient prophets  and  utter  such  an  oracle  as  the  king 
demanded,  he  preferred  to  go  back  to  prison,  even 
with  his  hard  fare  still  further  reduced  (xxii,  27), 
rather  than  be  disloyal  to  the  truth. 

The  prophetic  stories  are  continued  in  2  Ki.  i-ix, 
10.     There  is  the  strange  story  of  the  last  attempt  to 


142  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

seize  Elijah  (i,  9ff.)>  ^^^er  the  prophet  had  declared 
that  King  Ahaziah  would  die  because  he  had  sought 
an  oracle  from  Baalzebub,  the  god  of  Ekron,  instead  of 
consulting  Jahveh,  the  God  of  Israel.  There  follows 
the  story  of  Elijah's  disappearance  in  the  storm  on 
the  east  of  the  Jordan,  and  his  disciple's  return  alone 
with  his  master's  mantle.  Elisha  now  becomes  the 
chief  figure  in  the  history.  Elisha  is  quite  a  different 
character  from  his  master.  He  seems  to  stand  in 
quite  close  relationship  with  the  king,  whereas  Elijah 
was  always  at  war  with  Ahab.  Elijah  had  steadily 
fought  for  the  worship  of  Jahveh ;  Elisha  appears  but 
seldom  as  a  national  figure,  and  seems  to  take  the 
Jahveh  worship  for  granted.  There  are  many  tales 
of  the  so-called  miracles  of  Elisha,  and  they  have  one 
of  the  most  significant  characteristics  of  those  of  our 
Lord.  For  they  are  not  done  to  excite  wonder  and 
admiration  and  to  prove  the  possession  of  divine 
power,  but  rather  with  a  direct  beneficent  purpose. 
He  discovers  (or  strictly,  tmcovers)  water  in  the  des- 
ert to  save  the  allied  armies  (iii,  9-20);  he  furnishes 
aid  to  save  a  poor  widow's  children  from  bondage 
(iv,  1-7);  he  bestows  the  power  of  child-bearing 
upon  the  Shunammite,  and  restores  life  to  the 
child  stricken  by  the  heat  (iv,  8  37);  he  finds  an 
antidote  to  the  poisonous  herbs  (iv,  38-41);  he 
heals  the  Syrian  general  of  his  leprosy,  and  thus 
saves  King  Joram  from  panic  (v);  he  fishes  up  the 
borrowed  ax  which  one  of  the  prophets  had  lost  in 
the  water  (vi,   1-7). 


THE  HISTORICAL  LITERA  TURE  143 

Elisha  was  vitally  interested  in  the  welfare  of  the 
state,  and  seems  to  have  exerted  a  good  deal  of  influ- 
ence upon  the  king.  He  induced  Joram  to  hold  out 
against  the  Syrians  until  the  women  of  Samaria  were 
constrained  to  eat  their  children  (vi,  24-vii).  He 
had  travelled  to  Damascus  and  he  dimly  foresaw  the 
murder  of  Benhadad;  it  was  apparently  his  purpose 
to  soften  the  enmity  of  Hazael  towards  Israel  (viii, 

7-15). 

The  closing  incident  which  the  compiler  furnishes 
of  Elisha  is  the  instigation  of  the  revolution  of 
Jehu,  by  which  the  house  of  Omri  was  overthrown 
and  the  house  of  David  seriously  endangered.  The 
unusual  space  devoted  to  Jehu  (cc.  ix,  x)  is  probably 
due  to  the  fact  that  the  writer  sympathized  with  the 
rebel's  bloody  course  because  of  his  wholesale  slaughter 
of  the  worshippers  of  Baal.  The  reign  of  Jehu  enables 
us  to  get  a  controlling  date.  He  paid  tribute  to  Shal- 
manezer,  the  king  of  Assyria,  in  842  B.C.,  and  as  his 
alliance  was  probably  due  to  his  desire  for  support  in 
his  revolution,  the  tribute  must  have  been  paid  at  the 
beginning  of  his  reign. 

With  2  Ki.  xi  we  reach  real  Judean  history  again. 
The  kingdom  of  Israel  had  gradually  lost  strength; 
and  now  comes  the  opportunity  for  Judah.  But  the 
period  of  development  was  immediately  preceded  by 
a  very  dark  epoch  in  the  history  of  Judah.  Jehoram 
the  king  of  Judah  had  married  Athaliah  the  daughter 
of  Ahab  and  Jezebel  (viii,  16-18).  When  Athaliah's 
son  Ahaziah,  who  had  succeeded  Jehoram,  was  slain 


144  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

by  Jehu  (ix,  27  ff.),  she  seized  the  throne  of  Judah 
and  attempted  to  put  to  death  all  the  seed  royal  (xi, 
i),  Jehu  having  already  slain  forty-two  of  the  house 
of  David  (x,  12-14).  The  only  survivor  of  the  house 
of  David  was  a  baby  who  was  saved  in  this  murder  of 
the  innocents  by  his  aunt  Jehosheba,  who,  according 
to  2  Chr.  xxii,  11,  was  the  wife  of  Jehoiada  the 
priest.  This  child,  Joash,  was  kept  secretly  in  the 
temple  for  six  years,  and  then  the  priest  under  the 
support  of  the  temple  guard  brought  him  out  and 
crowned  him,  putting  Athaliah  to  death  and  thus 
narrowly  saving  the  house  of  David.  The  descrip- 
tion of  the  restoration  of  the  temple  shows  what  havoc 
the  daughter  of  Jezebel  had  made  with  the  worship  of 
Jahveh. 

In  the  reign  of  Amaziah,  the  son  of  Joash,  there 
was  an  attempt  to  restore  the  complete  independence 
of  Judah,  and  possibly  to  secure  revenge  for  Jehu's 
crimes;  but  the  result  of  the  war  was  disastrous  to 
Judah  (xiv,  8-14).  Judah  was  still  no  match  for  the 
sister  kingdom.  Israel  had  long  sufiEered  from  the 
encroachments  of  Syria,  but  in  this  period  there  was 
a  respite,  Jahveh  raising  up  a  savior  for  Israel  (xiii, 
5)  in  the  person  of  Tiglath-pilezer  III,  the  king  of 
Assyria,  who  kept  Damascus  on  the  defensive.  On 
that  account  Israel  flourished  again  during  the  long 
and  peaceful  reign  of  Jeroboam  II,  the  time  of  the 
prophet  Amos. 

The  history  continues  with  a  record  of  royal  names, 
interspersed  with  accounts  of   revolutions   in  Israel 


THE  HISTORICAL  LITERATURE  145 

until  we  reach  the  important  Syro-Ephraimitish  war 
(xvi,  5-9),  in  which  Israel  and  Syria  tried  to  force 
Ahaz  of  Judah  into  a  defensive  alliance  against  Assyria, 
the  common  enemy  of  all  the  western  states.  The 
disastrous  result  of  this  war  prepared  the  way  for  the 
end  of  the  Northern  Kingdom.  Shalmanezer  came 
from  Assyria  and  laid  siege  to  Samaria.  The  city  held 
out  for  three  years,  during  which  Shalmanezer  died 
and  Sargon  succeeded  him.  He  succeeded  also  to  the 
siege  and  Samaria  fell  and  thousands  of  the  captured 
Israelites  were  transported  to  Assyria  as  exiles. 
Their  places  were  taken  by  other  captured  peoples,  so 
that  the  population  of  the  north  became  a  mixed  race 
(xvii,  24  ff.),  well  known  in  the  subsequent  history  as 
the  Samaritans. 

3.  The  history  of  Judah  alone  (2  Ki.  xviii-xxv). — 
Nearly  a  century  and  a  half  (722-586)  are  covered  in 
these  few  chapters.  The  greatest  space  is  given  to 
the  reign  of  Hezekiah  (xviii-xx),  for  he  was  a  reformer 
and  faithful  to  Jahveh ;  stories  of  the  great  prophet 
Isaiah  are  worked  into  the  narrative;  and  to  this 
reign  belongs  the  great  disaster  which  befell  the  army 
of  Sennacherib,  the  king  of  Assyria  (xix,  35).  The 
story  brings  to  our  attention  for  the  first  time  a  new 
power,  destined  in  the  end  to  be  the  destruction  of 
the  Judean  kingdom.  Isaiah  saw  the  danger  and  de- 
nounced Hezekiah's  folly  in  disclosing  to  the  ambas- 
sadors of  Merodah-baladan,  the  king  of  Babylonia,  the 
rich  treasures  of  Judah  (xx,  12-18). 
It 


146  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

Hezekiah  was  one  of  the  best  of  Judean  kings,  but 
his  son  and  successor  Manasseh  was  one  of  the  worst. 
It  is  significant  that  there  is  no  prophecy  from  the 
period  of  his  long  reign ;  that  his  son  Amon,  named 
after  an  Egyptian  diety,  was  assassinated  after  a  reign 
of  two  years  (xxi,  19-26),  and  that  the  long  story  of 
Josiah's  reign  (xxi,  i ;  xxiii,  30)  is  mainly  a  tale  of  an 
attempt  to  undo  the  mischief  wrought  by  his  imme- 
diate predecessors.  The  reign  of  Josiah  is  noteworthy 
for  the  appearance  of  the  book  of  the  law  (xxii,  8-20, 
Deuteronomy  in  whole  or  in  part;  cf.  notes  on  that 
book). 

The  rest  of  the  history  of  Judah  is  a  story  of  dis- 
asters. About  the  time  of  Josiah's  death,  608  b.c, 
Nineveh  fell  and  Babylon  became  the  great  world-power. 
In  604  B.C.  Egypt  was  defeated  at  the  battle  of  Car- 
chemish  by  Nebuchadrezzar,  and  the  hope  of  Judah 
for  rescue  from  the  Nile  was  blasted  forever.  Kings 
were  carried  from  their  thrones, — Jehoahaz  to  Egypt 
and  Jehoiachin  to  Babylon,~but  Judah  refused  to  learn 
its  lesson  or  to  heed  the  pleas  of  God's  prophets;  re- 
bellion continued  until  Nebuchadrezzar's  patience 
was  exhausted  and  Jerusalem  was  captured  and  de- 
stoyed.  In  598  thousands  of  Jews  had  been  deported, 
and  with  the  fall  of  the  city  in  the  reign  of  Zedekiah 
many  thousands  more  were  taken  away.  Jerusalem 
was  completely  destroyed  and  remained  a  heap  of 
ruins  until  the  rebuilding  of  the  temple  by  Zerubbabel, 
520  B.C.,  and  the  restoration  of  the  walls  by  Nehemiah, 
444  B.C. 


THE  HISTORICAL  LITERA  TURE  147 

Chronicles-Ezra-Nehemiah 

These  four  books  are  grouped  together,  because  they 
have  all  come  from  the  same  hand  and  deal  with  the 
same  subject,  viz.,  the  history  of  Israel  from  Adam 
down  to  the  Greek  period,  c.  332  b.c.  Ezra  begins 
exactly  where  Chronicles  leaves  off;  in  fact  a  short 
passage  is  duplicated,  2  Chr.  xxxvi,  22f.:=Ez.  i,  1-3^. 
That  the  two  books  of  Chronicles  are  one,  like  the 
two  books  respectively  of  Samuel  and  Kings,  needs 
no  demonstration,  for  it  is  self-evident.  That  Ezra 
and  Nehemiah  are  from  the  same  hand  is  universally 
accepted.  The  same  style,  the  same  ideas,  the  same 
point  of  view,  are  evident.  The  chronicler  has  un- 
usually marked  characteristics,  and  these  abound  in 
all  of  these  books. 

The  chronicler  is  like  the  authors  of  other  histor- 
ical books  in  that  he  is  primarily  a  compiler.  He  had 
abundant  sources,  and  he  uses  these  with  great  free- 
dom. He  takes  long  passages  from  the  books  of  Sam- 
uel and  Kings,  but  often  modifies  them  in  accordance 
with  his  own  peculiar  ideas.  He  professes  to  use 
many  other  sources,  too:  thus  he  refers  to  ancient 
records  from  which  he  derives  his  genealogies  (i  Chr. 
iv,  22,  V,  17);  he  names  ''the  history  of  Samuel  the 
seer"  (probably  our  books  of  Samuel),  "the  history 
of  Nathan  the  prophet,"  "the  history  of  Gad  the  seer" 
(i  Chr.  xxix,  29),  and  indeed  many  others,  for  which 
the  reader  is  referred  to  Curtis's  Introduction,  §6,  Int. 
Crit.  Comm. 


148  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

There  is  great  diversity  of  opinion  as  to  the  trust- 
worthiness of  this  history.  Many  scholars  regard  the 
chronicler  as  a  romancer  and  his  history  as  worthless, 
even  alleging  that  he  deliberately  invents  the  sources 
to  lend  authority  to  his  narrative.  It  must  be  ad- 
mitted that  he  often  makes  changes  to  suit  his  own 
conceptions,  departing  radically  from  the  very  sources 
he  used.  On  the  other  hand,  he  has  apparently  pre- 
served some  material,  like  the  memoirs  of  Nehemiah, 
which  is  of  priceless  value. 

As  the  chronicler's  history  goes  down  to  the  Greek 
age,  that  gives  the  earliest  possible  date  for  these 
books.  It  is  probable  that  his  work  was  composed 
about  the  middle  of  the  third  century  b.c.  The  su- 
preme interest  of  the  chronicler  lies  in  the  religious 
institutions.  But  he  seems  to  have  a  bad  faculty  for 
chronology,  and  confuses  dates  sadly.  He  betrays  a 
tendency  to  ascribe  conditions  of  his  own  time  to 
ancient  days. 

I.   Chronicles 

For  the  history  before  David,  i  Chr.  i-ix,  there 
is  nothing  but  genealogical  material,  with  occasional 
historical  notes  thrown  in.  He  gives  the  names  of 
the  ancestors  of  Jacob  (i,  i-ii,  2),  and  then  the  chiefs 
of  the  various  tribes:  Judah,  ii,  3-iv,  23;  Simeon,  iv, 
24-43 ;  Reuben,  Gad,  and  half  of  Manasseh  (the  tribes 
east  of  the  Jordan),  v;Levi,  vi,  1-81;  Issachar,  vii, 
1-5;  Benjamin,  vii,  6-12,  viii,  1-40;  Naphtali,  vii,  13; 
Manasseh,  vii,    14-19;   Ephraim,  vii,  20-29;  Asher, 


THE  HISTORICAL  LITERA  TURE  149 

vii,  30-40.  In  this  scheme  Zebulun  and  Dan  are  not 
mentioned,  but  in  the  properly  emended  text,  the  for- 
mer appears  in  vii,  6-1 1,  and  the  latter  in  vii,  12.  We 
note  the  disproportionate  treatment, — Judah  and  Ben- 
jamin having  great  space  because  they  were  the  tribes 
represented  in  the  post-exilic  community  (Ezr.  i,  5; 
Neh.  xi,  4ff.),  and  Levi  receives  special  consideration 
because  the  author's  chief  interest  lies  in  the  eccle- 
siastical tribe. 

The  history  of  David  is  covered  in  i  Chr.  x-xxix. 
There  are  several  characteristics  of  this  treatment. 
It  begins  with  David  as  king  of  Judah  and  has  nothing 
of  his  earlier  history.  There  is  a  pretty  full  account 
of  his  wars,  and  this  story  is  all  taken  from  Samuel. 
There  is  not  a  word  about  his  crimes  in  connection 
with  Bathsheba,  nor  about  the  rebellions  of  Absalom 
or  Adonijah.  In  other  words,  the  chronicler  leaves 
out  everything  to  David's  discredit.  The  story  of 
the  bringing  of  the  ark  to  Jerusalem  is  amplified  over 
that  in  Samuel.  But  the  greatest  space  is  devoted  to 
David's  ordering  of  the  ecclesiastical  institutions. 
The  chronicler  makes  David  do  much  of  the  prepara- 
tory work  for  the  building  of  the  temple, — drawing  the 
plans,  cutting  timber  and  hewing  stones.  David 
makes  full  prescriptions  for  the  organization  of  the 
priests  and  Levites  and  assigns  them  their  several 
duties.  In  these  respects  the  chronicler  departed  from 
the  story  in  Samuel  and  Kings,  and  his  contentions 
have  little  authority.  In  Chronicles  everywhere  the 
priests,  and  especially  the  Levites — who  are  regarded 


150  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

always  as  a  separate  order — occupy  a  very  prominent 
position. 

The  reign  of  Solomon  is  described  in  2  Chr.  i-ix. 
The  material  is  much  the  same  as  that  in  Kings, 
though  there  is  considerable  amplification  in  the  de- 
tails of  the  temple.  The  chronicler  narrates  Solo- 
mon's visit  to  the  high-place  at  Gibeon,  but  takes  out 
the  sting  by  saying  that  the  Tent  of  Meeting  was 
there  (i,  3),  thus  making  it  a  legitimate  place  for 
worship.  The  responsibility  for  the  collapse  of  the 
Davidic  empire  is  quite  removed  from  Solomon's 
shoulders.  There  is  not  a  word  about  the  various 
rebellions  of  the  subject  peoples  as  in  i  Ki.  ii;  nor  is 
there  a  hint  of  Solomon's  idolatry  in  connection  with 
his  foreign  wives.  On  the  contrary,  the  king  acts 
most  righteously  in  this  respect,  for  he  builds  a  house 
for  his  Egyptian  wife,  in  order  that  the  holy  ''city  of 
David"  might  not  be  contaminated  by  the  presence 
of  a  heathen  (viii,  11). 

This  brings  us  to  the  period  of  Jeroboam's  rebellion 
and  to  the  history  of  the  separate  kingdoms.  But 
Chronicles  becomes  a  history  of  Judah  alone.  There  is 
no  history  of  Israel  any  more  than  there  is  a  history  of 
Edom  or  Assyria.  Israel  is  only  mentioned  occasionally 
when  it  is  necessary  as  a  part  of  the  history  of  Judah. 
Even  then  the  relations  of  the  two  kingdoms  take  on  a 
different  aspect  from  that  revealed  in  Kings.  Judah  is 
put  to  the  worse  in  one  instance,  in  the  time  of  Ama- 
ziah — the  records  were  too  plain  to  ignore  that — but  an 
adequate  cause  is  found,  not  in  the  superior  power  of 


THE  HISTORICAL  LITERA  TURK  151 

the  Northern  Kingdom,  but  in  Amaziah's  devotion  to 
the  conquered  gods  of  Edom  (xxv,  14-20). 

This  one  victory  is  offset  by  a  tale  of  a  disastrous 
defeat  of  Israel  by  Abijah,  in  which  a  half  million 
Israelites  were  slain  (xiii,  13).  It  is  related,  further, 
that  there  were  at  various  times  defections  of  the 
Israelites  (xv,  9;  xxx,  18  f.,  xxxv,  18),  the  men  from 
the  north  coming  to  Judah  because  of  their  devotion 
to  Jahveh.  The  story  of  Micaiah,  the  son  of  Imlah,  is 
reproduced  in  full,  and  is  almost  verbatim  the  version 
in  I  Ki.  xxii,  even  to  the  excerpt  from  the  book  of 
Micah  (xviii,  27).  The  chronicler  would  naturally 
approve  of  a  story  in  which  the  Judean  king  insists 
upon  an  oracle  from  a  prophet  of  Jahveh,  in  which 
disaster  is  predicted  for  Ahab,  and  in  which  the  om- 
inous prediction  is  fulfilled  to  the  letter. 

2.  Ezra-Nehemiah 

For  these  books  the  chronicler,  who  it  must  be 
remembered  was  the  compiler,  had  several  sources, 
though  these  have  not  survived  independently.  In 
the  first  place  there  are  three  Aramaic  documents: 
(i)  The  correspondence  with  King  Artaxerxes,  about 
the  building  of  the  walls  (Ezr.  iv,  7-24^),  in  which 
the  king  directs  those  who  complained  of  the  activity 
of  the  Jews  to  put  a  stop  to  their  work.  (2)  The 
Aramaic  account  of  the  rebuilding  of  the  temple  (Ezr. 
iv,  24/^-vi,  18),  a  parallel  to  Ezr.  iii,  i-iv,  3.  (3)  The 
firman  of  Artaxerxes  authorizing  Ezra  to  go  to  Jeru- 
salem (Ezr.  vii,  12-26). 


152  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

Then  there  are  the  memoirs  of  Ezra  and  of  Nehe- 
miah.  Some  scholars  have  denied  the  genuineness  of 
Ezra's  memoirs.  My  study*  has  led  me  to  believe 
that  we  have  preserved  a  short  section  which  has  come 
from  Ezra's  own  hand.  The  authentic  memoirs  are 
Ezr.  vii,  27  f. ;  viii,  15-19,  21-25,  28  f.,  31  f.,  36;  ix, 
i-ii^,  13-15.  That  Nehemiah  left  some  personal 
records  is  accepted  by  every  critic,  though  the  extent 
of  his  memoirs  is  not  as  great  as  has  usually  been  sup- 
posed. These  sections,  however,  surely  come  from 
the  patriot's  hand:  Neh.  i,  1-4;  i,  iiMi,  7;  ii,  9^-20; 
iii,  3-vii,  5^;  xiii,  6-31.  It  is  probable  that  there 
were  other  sources,  for  some  of  the  material  is  cer- 
tainly composite,  the  chronicler  having  worked  over 
the  sources  he  used,  and  leaving  so  many  traces  of 
his  own  hand  that  many  scholars  have  supposed  the 
whole  to  be  his  composition. 

The  period  covered  by  these  books  is  a  long  one, 
beginning  with  Cyrus's  conquest  of  Babylon,  538  B.C., 
and  covering  about  two  centuries.  There  is  no  at- 
tempt to  give  a  connected  history,  for  a  careful  read- 
ing shows  that  only  a  few  events  are  described.  These 
events  will  be  discussed  in  order. 

I.  The  return  of  the  exiles  (Ezr.  i). — Cyrus  issued 
a  decree  authorizing  the  exiles  to  return  to  Jerusalem 
and  rebuild  the  temple  (i,  2-4,  and  cf.  the  duplicate 
and  different  version   of  the  edict  in  the  Aramaic 


See  my  work,  Ezra-Nehemiah  {Int.  Crit.  Comm.). 


THE  HISTORICAL  LITERA  TURE  153 

document,  Ezr.  vi,  3-5).  A  company  of  exiles  under 
the  leadership  of  Sheshbazzar,  the  prince  of  Judah, 
made  the  journey  to  Judah,  carrying  with  them  the 
vessels  which  Nebuchadrezzar  had  plundered  from  the 
temple.  This  is  all  we  know  about  Jewish  history  in 
the  reign  of  Cyrus,  for  Ezr.  ii  (of  which  Neh.  vii,  6- 
73  is  a  duplicate)  contains  a  census  of  the  people  made 
long  after  this  day. 

2.  The  rebtiilding  of  the  temple  (Ezr.  iii,  i-iv,  3, 
and  the  Aramaic  version,  iv,  24^-vi,  18). — We  reach 
now  the  reign  of  the  Persian  King  Darius  I,  521-485 
B.C.,  and  the  governorship  of  Zerubbabel.  The  chro- 
nology is  determined  absolutely  by  the  support  of 
I  Esdras,  an  important  help  in  the  study  of  this  period. 
This  book  has  been  too  long  neglected,  presumably 
because  it  is  contained  in  the  Apocrypha,  i  Esdras 
is  an  independent  translation  of  the  whole  of  Ezra 
(except  iv,  6)  and  of  Neh.  viii,  1-12.  In  many  places 
it  has  preserved  a  better  text  than  that  in  our  Hebrew 
Bible,  and  it  is  far  more  valuable  than  the  other  Greek 
versions. 

The  Hebrew  text  of  this  section  gives  no  hint  of 
any  more  work  on  the  temple  than  laying  the  founda- 
tions. It  was  the  theory  of  the  compiler  that  the 
temple  was  begun  in  the  reign  of  Cyrus,  the  work 
stopped  by  Artaxerxes,  and  resumed  under  Darius 
(iv,  24;  V,  16).  This  theory  is  wrong;  for  we  have 
contemporary  testimony  that  Zerubbabel  laid  the 
foundations  and  completed  the  building  (Zech.  iv,  9). 


154  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

The  text  of  Ezr.  iii,  8-10,  is  hopelessly  corrupt,  but 
I  have  reconstructed  the  passage  with  the  help  of 
I  Esdras,  and  have  shown  that  it  contains  an  account 
of  the  building  of  the  temple  (for  details  see  my 
Commentary,  in  loc.  cit.). 

This  section  introduces  the  Samaritans,  who  are 
kindly  disposed  towards  the  Jews,  and  offer  to  aid 
them  in  rebuilding  the  temple.  The  proposal  was  re- 
jected by  Zerubbabel  and  his  priestly  associate  Jeshua, 
and  thus  we  have  the  beginning  of  the  bitter  hostility 
between  these  two  peoples. 

3.  The  rebuilding  of  the  walls  of  Jerusalem  (Ezr. 
iv,  7-24^;  Neh.  i-vii,  5;  xii,  27-43).— I  pass  by  the 
fragment,  Ezr.  iv,  4-6,  which  belongs  to  the  reign  of 
Xerxes,  485-464  b.c.  The  walls  were  restored  in  the 
time  of  Artaxerxes  I,  464-424  b.c. 

The  temple  had  been  completed  about  515  B.C., 
but  Jerusalem  was  nevertheless  almost  without  people 
or  houses  (Neh.  vii,  4).  It  was  a  perilous  place  of 
residence  as  long  as  it  was  devoid  of  protecting  walls. 
The  inhabitants  were  helplessly  at  the  mercy  of  any 
marauding  band.  The  first  attempt  to  restore  the 
walls  was  made  by  a  company  of  pilgrims  who  came 
to  Jerusalem  early  in  the  reign  of  Artaxerxes  (Ezr.  iv, 
12).  Their  neighbors  of  Samaria  complained  to  the 
Persian  king  that  if  the  walls  should  be  rebuilt,  Judah 
would  rebel.  The  king  thereupon  ordered  the  work 
to  stop  (Ezr.  iv,  7-24^). 


THE  HISTORICAL  LITERA  TURE 


Nehemiah  heard  of  this  failure,  and  being  an  officer 
of  the  Persian  court,  an  opportunity  came  to  him  to 
ask  permission  to  rebuild  Jerusalem,  "the  city  of  his 
fathers'  sepulchres."  Artaxerxes  appointed  him 
governor  of  Judah,  and  sent  an  ample  military  escort 
with  him.  The  work  of  Nehemiah  was  hampered 
greatly  by  the  Samaritans,  who  used  ridicule  and 
threats  and  treachery  and  open  war  to  stay  the  resto- 
ration of  the  walls.  Nehemiah  wrote  the  story  of 
this  opposition  himself,  and  he  is  the  master  of  a  very 
terse  and  vigorous  style.  He  speaks  a  great  deal  about 
his  enemies, —  Sanballat,  Tobiah,  and  Geshem, — 
and  really  mentions  the  walls  but  incidentally.  Ne- 
hemiah was  a  man  of  great  resourcefulness,  and  he 
met  and  foiled  every  attempt  of  his  foes.  The  walls 
were  quickly  rebuilt,  according  to  Neh.  vi,  15,  in  the 
amazingly  short  period  of  fifty-two  days,  and  then  were 
dedicated  by  elaborate  ceremonies,  consisting  mainly 
of  a  parade  and  the  offering  of  sacrifices. 

The  walls  being  completed,  the  patriot  addressed 
himself  to  other  grave  problems :  procuring  a  popula- 
tion for  the  now  protected  city  (xi,  if.);  releasing 
the  poor  from  their  oppressive  burdens  (c.  v);  and,  in 
his  second  administation,  enforcing  a  decent  observ- 
ance of  the  Sabbath,  procuring  the  payments  for  the 
Levites,  stopping  the  marriages  with  foreigners,  etc. 
(xiii,  6-31).  To  Nehemiah's  time  may  belong  x,  28- 
39,  an  account  of  a  popular  movement  to  make  suitable 
provision  for  the  temple. 


156  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

4.  The  mission  of  Ezra  (Ezr.  vii-x;  Neh.  viii). — 
The  career  of  Ezra  must  be  placed  in  the  reign  of 
Artaxerxes  II,  404-359  B.C.  (as  I  have  tried  to  show 
at  length  in  the  Int,  Crit.  Coinm.).  At  all  events, 
Ezra  must  come  later  than  Nehemiah.  In  spite  of 
the  comparative  space  given  to  this  hero,  we  know 
little  about  him;  for  Ezr.  vii,  viii  are  devoted  to  the 
gathering  of  a  caravan  and  the  journey  to  Jerusalem, 
and  cc.  ix,  x  to  the  wholesale  dissolution  of  the  mar- 
riages with  foreigners. 

Ezra's  story  is  continued  in  Neh.  viii,  which  should 
be  joined  directly  to  Ezra  x,  as  it  is  in  i  Esdras. 
Here  we  have  a  rather  confused  and  general  account 
of  the  promulgation  of  the  law,  and  this  is  regarded 
as  the  real  objective  of  his  mission.  But  the  records 
scarcely  bear  out  that  contention.  In  his  own  mem- 
oirs the  single  reference  to  the  purpose  of  his  return 
to  Jerusalem  is  in  vii,  27,  where  it  is  "to  glorify  the 
house  of  Jahveh."  Ezra's  great  aim  was  the  develop- 
ment of  a  proper  worship  at  the  temple,  and  if  he 
established  the  law,  it  must  have  been  done  for  the 
sake  of  the  temple. 

Neh.  ix  has  nothing  to  do  with  Ezra,  for  it  is 
mainly  a  long,  stereotyped  prayer,  said  to  have  been 
uttered  by  the  Levites.  There  are  other  parts  of 
these  books,  but  they  consist  mainly  of  genealogical 
and  geographical  lists,  such  as  abound  in  the  work  of 
the  Chronicles.  These  parts  really  throw  no  light  on 
the  history  of  the  Persian  period. 


IV. 

THE  PROPHETIC  LITERATURE 

THERE  are  two  distinct  classes  of  prophets  in 
the  Old  Testament:  those  great  men  whose  writ- 
ings have  come  down  to  us,  and  whose  works  will 
receive  consideration  in  this  chapter,  and  the  prophetic 
guilds,  called  technically  *'the  sons  of  the  prophets," 
who  first  appear,  so  far  as  our  records  show,  in  the 
time  of  Samuel.  From  this  title  we  conclude  that 
there  was  a  body  of  disciples  attached  to  most  of  the 
leading  prophets,  and  that  their  office  was  that  of 
assistants.  For  a  fuller  study  of  this  order  see  ray 
Hebrew  Prophets ^  c.  iv. 

Of  the  prophetic  leaders  there  were  doubtless  scores 
whose  works  have  not  been  preserved,  whose  names 
even  are  not  known.  Elijah  was  looked  upon  as  the 
greatest  of  all  the  prophets,  yet  his  messages  were 
never  collected,  and  we  have  only  sporadic  utterances 
preserved  in  the  biographical  fragments  embodied  in 
the  book  of  Kings.  Probably  the  large  majority  of 
these  men  spoke  the  words  of  the  Lord;  but  their 
speeches  were  never  put  on  record  either  by  them- 
selves or  by  any  of  their  disciples.  We  are  fortunate 
indeed  in  having  so  much  preserved,  although  it  is 
probably  but  a  small  part  of  the  whole.  It  is  almost 
certain  that  we  have  only  incomplete  records  of  the 
messages  of  those  prophets  whose  works  have  survived. 
Isaiah's  career  as  a  prophet  extended  over  at  least 


158  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

forty  years.  All  the  genuine  Isaianic  prophecies  pre- 
served could  be  read  in  something  like  an  hour.  It 
must  be  plain,  then,  that  we  have  only  a  few  specimens 
of  the  works  of  this  great  man  of  God. 

In  Jeremiah  there  is  an  interesting  story  which 
shows  how  his  utterances  came  to  be  put  into  writing. 
On  account  of  the  bitter  persecution  to  which  he  had 
been  subjected  by  King  Jehoiakim,  Jeremiah  could  no 
longer  preach  by  word  of  mouth.  He  therefore  dic- 
tated to  his  secretary  Baruch  a  resume  of  his  prophe- 
cies from  the  beginning  of  his  career  down  to  that 
day,  a  period  of  more  than  twenty  years.  The  object 
of  this  writing  was  the  hope  that  the  people  who  had 
ignored  and  forgotten  the  spoken  word  would  listen 
to  the  written  record  read  to  them  by  Baruch  (Jer. 
xxxvi).  It  may  be  that  other  prophets  were  moved  to 
write  by  similar  considerations. 

The  prophets  we  know  were  characterized  by  several 
marked  features,  a  few  of  which  may  be  suggested : 
(i)  There  was  always  a  sense  of  being  close  to  God 
and  knowing  the  mind  of  God.  Therefore  they  boldly 
prefaced  their  message  with  the  phrase,  ''thus  saith 
Yahweh."  (2)  They  were  preeminently  men  of  their 
times.  They  appear  to  have  had  no  interest  in  filling 
the  office  of  the  soothsayer  by  foretelling  the  future. 
They  were  concerned  with  the  evil  conditions  of  their 
own  age,  which  they  saw  and  which  they  deemed  it 
their  concern  to  remedy.  (3)  They  were  men  of  large 
vision,  and  could  discern  the  signs  of  the  times. 
They  knew  the  relation  of  cause  and  effect,  and  saw 


THE  PROPHE  TIC  LITER  A  TURE  1 59 

clearly  the  future  outcome  of  present  evils.  (4) 
They  were  men  moved  preeminently  by  ethical  con- 
siderations. In  the  pre-Christian  world  there  is  no 
comparable  body  of  moral  teaching.  The  sins  which 
they  denounced  were  not  violations  of  some  peculiar 
national  laws  and  customs,  but  the  grievous  ethical 
offences,  injustice,  dishonesty,  oppression  of  the  poor 
and  weak.  (5)  They  were  deeply  religious.  They 
taught  that  the  people  were  absolutely  in  God's  hands, 
and  that  God  would  act  in  no  arbitrary  way,  but  in 
accord  with  well-known  principles.  They  emphasized 
the  many  gracious  acts  that  God  had  done  for  His 
people,  and  proclaimed  that  He  was  ever  eager  to  do 
more  if  the  attitude  of  the  nation  was  such  as  to  make 
it  possible. 

The  prophetic  books  are  divided  into  the  major 
and  the  minor  prophets.  The  former  class  comprises 
Isaiah,  Jeremiah,  and  Ezekiel,  arranged  therefore  in 
chronological  order;  and  the  later  class  includes  all 
the  others,  of  which  (excluding  Daniel)  there  are 
twelve.  The  term  minor  applied  to  these  prophets 
is  misleading,  because  the  connotation  of  the  terra 
has  changed.  As  originally  employed,  the  word  re- 
ferred merely  to  the  relative  size  of  the  books ;  but 
minor  now  almost  inevitably  conveys  the  idea  of  infe- 
rior; and  certainly  Hosea  is  not  inferior  to  Ezekiel, 
or  Amos  to  Jeremiah.  It  is  a  protest  against  this 
conception  which  presumably  constrained  G.  A.  Smith 
to  entitle  his  commentaries  (in  the  Expositor's  Bible) 
The  Book  of  the  Twelve  Prophets. 


160  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

The  arrangement  of  the  twelve  is  peculiar.  Roughly, 
they  follow  a  chronological  order,  but  this  is  not  ex- 
act; Amos,  who  is  the  first,  stands  third.  The  size  of 
the  book  apparently  exercises  some  influence,  for  thus 
we  can  explain  Hosea's  precedence  of  Amos,  though 
going  only  by  headings  he  must  have  always  been 
known  to  be  later.  But  Obadiah,  the  shortest  of  all, 
precedes  both  Jonah  and  Micah,  and  Haggai  comes 
before  Zechariah,  though  it  is  only  one-fifth  as  big. 
Probably  the  third  controlling  factor  was  the  order  in 
which  the  books  gained  canonical  recognition;  a  mat- 
ter about  which  we  have  almost  no  knowledge. 

To  awaken  one's  interest  it  is  well  to  note  a  fine 
appreciation  of  Woodberry's:  "One  who  has  read  the 
Hebrew  prophets,  the  Greek  dramatists  and  Shake- 
speare has  a  view  of  the  essentials  of  life  in  its  great- 
ness that  requires  little  supplementing;  his  reading 
thereafter  is  for  definition  and  detail,  for  the  temporal 
modeling  of  life  in  different  periods  and  races  and  na- 
tions, for  the  illumination  of  it  in  exceptional  men 
and  women  and  in  high  types  of  character  or  romantic 
circumstances;  it  is,  in  general,  rather  verification  of 
old  truth  than  anything  new  that  he  finds."  ' 

Isaiah 

There  is  a  big  difference  between  the  book  of  Isaiah 
and  the  writings  of  the  prophet  Isaiah.  When  we 
study  the  personality  of  the  prophet,  we  are  not  get- 


*  The  Appreciation   of  Literature^   quoted  by   Fowler,  The 
Literature  of  Ancient  Israel^ '^.  io6. 


THE  PROP  HE  TIC  LITER  A  TURE  161 

ting  much  light  on  the  author  of  this  book,  for  there 
is  but  a  fraction  of  the  whole  which  has  come  from 
the  hand  of  the  son  of  Amos.  This  will  appear  as  we 
glance  at  the  component  parts.  The  book  divides 
naturally  into  seven  parts:  (i)  cc.  i-xii;  (2)  xiii-xxiii; 
(3)  xxiv-xxvii;  (4)  xxviii-xxxiii ;  (5)  xxxiv,  xxxv;  (6) 
xxxvi-xxxix;  (7)  xl-lxvi. 

Cc.  xxxvi-xxxix  is  really  a  part  of  the  book  of  Kings, 
for  except  for  the  song  of  Hezekiah  (xxxviii,  9-20),  it 
is  a  duplicate  of  2  Kings  xviii-xx;  cc.  xl-lxvi  belongs 
to  the  exilic  period;  cc.  xxxiv  f.  are  later  than  Isaiah. 
Therefore,  reckoning  by  chapters,  there  is  exactly  half 
of  the  book  which  could  not  possibly  have  come  from 
this  prophet's  pen.  Another  section  goes  out  bodily, 
for  cc.  xxiv-xxvii  are  not  Isaianic ;  also  in  the  large  sec- 
tion in  cc.  xiii-xxiii  there  is  but  little  which  can  be 
surely  claimed  for  Isaiah.  Therefore  the  main  Isaianic 
prophecies  are  contained  in  two  comparatively  short 
sections  of  the  book,  numbered  i  and  4  above;  mani- 
festly this  prophet,  about  whose  name  such  a  vast 
amount  of  fine  prophecies  have  clustered,  must  have 
been  highly  esteemed  by  the  Jewish  literary  collectors. 

Isaiah  was  a  Jerusalemite,  and  apparently  had  been 
highly  educated.  His  supreme  interest,  so  far  as  we 
can  gather  from  his  surviving  works,  was  in  the  wel- 
fare of  the  State.  In  some  respects  he  was  almost 
more  a  statesman  than  a  prophet;  the  truth  is  that 
no  one  can  be  either  prophet  or  statesman  without  be- 
ing to  a  degree  the  other  too.  No  more  can  be  said 
about  Isaiah  here;  but  our  brief  study  of  his  prophe- 


162  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

cies  will  show  us  that  there  is  much  biographical 
material  in  his  writings.  We  shall  study  the  book  by 
sections  as  outlined  above. 

I.  Cc.  i-xii. — This  part  must  have  been  published 
originally  as  an  independent  collection,  for  it  has  a 
heading  appropriate  to  just  this  part.  The  subject  is 
given  as  *'Judah  and  Jerusalem,"  and  that  would  not 
apply  to  cc.  xiii-xxiii.  Then  an  editor  has  added 
some  prophecies  of  hope  at  the  close  to  give  the  col- 
lection a  better  ending.  As  c.  vi  describes  the  proph- 
et's call  we  naturally  turn  to  that  first. 

Isaiah  had  apparently  kicked  against  the  goad  for  a 
long  time.  His  scruples  were  based  on  his  sense  of 
personal  unfitness  (v.  5).  These  were  overcome  in  the 
year  of  Uzziah's  death  (740  B.C.)  by  a  vision  of  Jahveh 
which  he  saw  in  the  temple.  In  his  report  of  the  vis- 
ion— for  the  chapter  is  autobiographical — he  discloses 
his  fundamental  conception  of  God,  that  He  is  abso- 
lutely holy  (v.  3).  The  scruples  of  the  prophet  are  over- 
come by  the  removal  of  his  personal  defects;  he  too 
must  get  the  beam  out  of  his  own  eye  before  essaying 
to  cast  the  mote  from  his  brother's  eye.  Then  at  last 
he  was  ready  to  respond  to  the  divine  call  for  volun- 
teers and  to  undertake  the  heart-breaking  task  which 
lies  in  the  office  of  every  true  man  of  God. 

C.  i  is  quite  independent,  and  is  usually  assigned  to 
the  invasion  of  Sennacherib,  701  B.C.,  because  of  the 
desperate  condition  of  the  city  and  state  (vv.  7-9). 
The  religious  condition  is  quite  as  bad  as  the  polit- 


THE  PROPHETIC  LITERA  TURE  163 

ical  (vv.  3-5,  15-17,  21-23);  for  the  religious  system 
in  vogue  was  quite  worthless  in  the  eyes  of  Jahveh 
(vv.  10-15). 

Cc.  ii-iv  group  together  and  constitute  really  a  single 
prophecy  with  its  own  heading.  It  begins  with  a  beau- 
tiful Messianic  oracle  (vv.  2-4,  a  duplicate  occurring 
in  Mic.  iv,  1-3),  which  is  regarded  as  a  later  addition. 
It  certainly  has  a  very  different  tone  from  the  rest  of 
the  prophecy.  The  passage  pictures  a  glorious  future 
in  which  Zion  will  be  a  world-center  at  which  all  na- 
tions shall  worship;  and  in  which  there  will  be  no 
war,  disputes  being  settled  by  divine  arbitration. 
The  oracle  of  Isaiah  then  begins  with  an  indictment 
of  the  people  because  of  their  idolatry  and  wickedness, 
and  a  prediction  of  the  fearful  punishment  which 
shall  come.  There  is  much  about  the  weakness  and 
corruption  of  the  court  in  c.  iii,  suggesting  the  time 
of  Ahaz  over  whom  women  exercised  a  dominating  in- 
fluence. The  vanity  and  frivolity  of  the  women  are 
mercilessly  exposed.  C.  iv,  2-6,  is  probably  a  later  ap- 
pendix to  relieve  the  dark  picture  of  the  original  proph- 
ecy. That  plan  of  compilation  is  natural  for  a  later 
editor;  for  while  Isaiah's  strong  denunciation  was  the 
necessary  word  in  his  time,  the  prophecy  would  be 
better  adapted  for  another  period  by  the  addition  of  a 
message  of  hope. 

In  c.  V  there  are  three  parts:  the  fragment  of  a 
vineyard  song  and  its  application  to  Israel,  vv.  1-7; 
the  six  woes,  on  the  passion  for  wealth,  the  drunken 
revellers,  the  skeptics,  the  confusion  of  morals,  con- 


164  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

ceit,  and  the  grafting  judges,  vv.  8-25^;  and  a  strophe 
of  a  poem,  vv.  25-^-30,  the  major  part  of  which  is 
in  c.  ix. 

Cc.  vii-ix,  7,  contain  a  series  of  prophecies  on  the 
Syro-Ephraimitish  war,  734  B.C.  The  Assyrians  were 
threatening  the  Palestinian  states,  and  the  latter 
were  endeavoring  to  form  a  coalition  so  as  to  offer 
some  effective  resistance.  Syria  and  Ephraim  com- 
bined and  sought  Ahaz's  support.  The  king  declined 
to  join  the  group,  and  the  dual  alliance  began  war  on 
Judah,  determining  to  crush  Ahaz  and  put  a  Syrian, 
the  son  of  Tabeel  (vii,  6),  on  the  throne,  who  would 
be  subservient  to  their  plans. ^  In  this  crisis,  which 
caused  a  panic  in  Judah,  Ahaz  had  fallen  back  upon 
a  common  device  and  had  made  a  secret  treaty  with 
the  common  enemy,  the  king  of  Assyria.  To  this 
policy  Isaiah  was  bitterly  apposed,  and  the  main  pur- 
pose of  this  group  of  prophecies  was  to  induce  the 
king  to  rely  on  Jahveh  and  not  on  Assyria. 

The  prophet  bases  his  efforts  upon  his  firm  convic- 
tion that  the  alarm  of  Judah  is  causeless,  since  the 
dual  alliance  is  comparable  to  two  stumps  of  smoking 
firebrands  (v.  4);  that  is,  their  power  is  burnt  out. 
As  the  king  is  unmoved  he  offers  to  work  any  sign, 
however  hard,  as  proof  that  he  speaks  the  word  of  God. 
When  the  king  hypocritically  refuses  to  accept  the 
offer,  Isaiah  declares  that  the  sign  will  appear,  in  that 
a  child  Immanuel  will  shortly  be  born,  and  before  that 


'See  also  2  Ki.  xv,  37  ;  xvi,  5-16  ;  2  Chr.  xxiii,  5-27. 


THE  PROPHETIC  LITERA  TURE  165 

child  shall  be  old  enough  to  recognize  the  difference  be- 
tweengood  and  evil, Syria  and  Ephraim  will  be  no  more. 
As  the  king  is  still  obstinately  set  upon  his  own 
scheme,  the  prophet  sets  up  a  tablet  in  a  public  place 
on  which  he  inscribes  Maher-shalal-hash-baz^ — 
"speedy  the  spoil,  quick  the  prey,"— symbolizing  the 
overthrow  of  the  two  allies.  About  a  year  later  a 
child  is  born  to  the  prophet  and  he  gives  him  the 
name  still  standing  upon  the  tablet,  to  reiterate  his 
prediction  of  the  downfall  of  the  two  powers.  As  his 
efforts  prove  vain,  there  is  nothing  left  but  to  point 
out  the  fatal  results  of  Ahaz's  policy.  The  king  of 
Assyria  will  indeed  destroy  the  allies  (Syria  fell  in 
732  B.C.  and  Ephraim  ten  years  later),  but  he  will 
sweep  on  into  Judah  like  an  overwhelming  deluge. 

There  is  appended  a  Messianic  passage  (ix,  1-7),  picturing 
the  reestablishment  of  the  house  of  David,  and  therefore  ob- 
viously of  the  exihc  period.  As  cc.  vi  and  viii  are  in  the  first 
person,  it  is  held  that  c.  vii  was  originally  a  part  of  Isaiah's  auto- 
biography. We  note  the  large  place  children  occupy  in  this 
section.  Isaiah  takes  Shear-jashub  ("a  remnant  will  return") 
with  him  for  his  first  interview  with  the  king  ;  two  other  children 
are  introduced  to  show  how  soon  the  enemy  will  be  destroyed. 
His  own  children  are  signs  in  Israel  of  the  presence  of  the  word 
of  God  (viii,  18). 

The  section,  ix,  8-x,  4;  v,  25  ^-30,  is  a  poem  in  five 
stanzas,  each  being  marked  by  the  refrain,  ''for  all 
this  his  anger  is  not  turned  away,  but  his  hand  is 
stretched  out  still"  (ix,    12,   17,  21;  x,  4;    v,  25*). 


*  In  this  instance  the  refrain  stands  at  the  beginning  of  the 
stanza,  probably  by  an  accidental  transposition. 


166  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

The  poem  describes  a  series  of  disasters  which  have 
befallen  the  people,  especially  of  the  Northern  King- 
dom, covering  invasions  from  v^^ithout  and  wars  be- 
tween the  two  kingdoms.  The  refrain  suggests  that 
these  calamities  do  not  mark  the  end,  but  that  Jahveh 
will  send  more  suffering  still.  The  prophecies  may 
well  belong  to  the  Syro-Ephraimitish  war. 

In  X,  5-34,  there  is  a  prophecy  based  on  one  of  the 
Assyrian  invasions,  probably  that  of  Sennacherib  in 
701  B.C.  The  enemy  is  conceived  as  an  instrument 
of  God,  appointed  to  inflict  necessary  punishment. 
The  Assyrian  failed  to  realize  the  limitations  of  His 
authority,  and  purposed  to  satisfy  his  greed  for  plunder 
and  destruction.  God's  hostility  is  therefore  aroused 
towards  His  chosen  agent,  and  so,  in  front  of  the  city 
he  was  sent  to  chastise,  he  will  meet  his  own  disas- 
trous fate. 

C.  xi  is  Messianic,  picturing  the  rise  of  a  new  king 
of  the  Davidic  stock,  whose  rule  shall  be  characterized 
by  wisdom  and  by  righteousness.  The  result  will  be 
an  era  of  universal  peace,  symbolized  by  the  wild  ani- 
mals living  together  and  free  from  their  usual  preda- 
tory instincts.  There  will  follow  the  return  of  the 
exiles  both  of  Judah  and  of  Israel,  who  shall  combine 
to  subjugate  the  neighboring  peoples,  and  thus  re- 
store the  old  empire  of  David.  The  passage  is  ob- 
viously as  late  as  the  exile,  as  the  monarchy  is  no 
more,  and  the  people  are  scattered  among  the  foieign 
nations.  Marti  thinks  that  vv.  10-16  is  as  late  as  the 
Maccabean  uprising. 


THE  PROPHETIC  LITERA  TURE  167 

C.  xii  is  made  up  of  two  psalms  of  praise,  vv.  i  f., 
vv.  3-6,  sung  by  the  exiles  rescued  from  their  bond- 
age. It  serves  as  a  fitting  conclusion  to  the  series 
of  prophecies  in  cc.  i-xii ;  for  when  the  words  of 
the  old  prophets  were  collected  for  future  use,  in  the 
days  when  there  were  no  living  prophetic  voices, 
the  editors  liked  to  secure  for  every  collection  a 
hopeful  ending.  Every  true  religion  must  have  a 
note  of  optimism. 

2.  A  group  of  prophecies  against  foreign  naiiotts 
(xiii-xxiii). — The  collection  was  evidently  made  on  the 
basis  of  subject-matter  rather  than  authorship.  The 
material  comes  from  different  ages,  and  consequently 
from  different  authors,  but  the  subject  is  the  same 
throughout.  There  is  no  general  heading,  but  most 
of  the  oracles  have  titles  of  their  own.  The  prophe- 
cies generally  describe  the  downfall  of  the  various 
peoples,  all  of  them  the  enemies  of  the  Jews.  The 
authors  usually  reveal  an  intimate  knowledge  of  the 
nations  denounced. 

a.  Against  Babylon  (xii,  i-xiv,  23).— Jahveh  is 
mustering  a  host  for  the  overthrow  of  Babylon,  the 
oppressor  of  his  people,  and  now  holding  the  Jews  in 
bondage  (xiv,  7).  In  xiv,  gff.  there  is  a  picture  of  the 
life  in  Sheol,  the  dead  rousing  from  their  sleep  to 
gloat  over  the  arrival  of  the  common  enemy.  As  the 
overthrow  is  ascribed  to  the  Medes  (xiii,  17),  and  as 
there  is  no  reference  to  Cyrus,  the  oracle  is  probably 
to  be  dated  shortly  before  549  b.c. 


168  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

b.  Against  Assyria  (xiv,  24-27). — The  Assyrian 
shall  be  destroyed  in  the  land  of  Judah,  and  the  hand 
of  Jahveh  will  administer  the  blow.  The  most  natural 
reference  is  to  the  annihilation  of  the  army  of  Sen- 
nacherib in  701  B.C.  (2  Ki.  xix,  35  f.).  The  piece  is 
Isaianic. 

c.  Against  Philistia  (xiv,  28-32).  —  Here  we  find 
a  heading  with  a  date;  unfortunately  we  do  not  know 
the  years  of  Ahaz's  death,  but  it  was  probably  before 
722  B.C.  The  Philistines  were  vainly  rejoicing  over 
the  death  of  a  hostile  king,  possibly  Sargon,  though 
others  think  Ahaz.  The  prophet,  who  may  well  be 
Isaiah,  assures  them  that  there  is  no  occasion  for  joy, 
as  the  new  enemy  arising  fom  the  old  will  be  still 
more  hostile  to  them.  The  messengers  of  v.  32  were 
probably  ambassadors  seeking  an  alliance  with  Judah, 
a  plan  sure  to  be  opposed  by  Isaiah. 

d.  Against  Moab  (xv,  xvi). — There  is  a  long 
prophecy  declaring  the  downfall  of  Moab,  and  reveal- 
ing a  good  deal  of  sympathy  for  the  doomed  people 
(xv,  5;  xvi,  11).  At  the  end  is  an  epilogue  (xvi,  13  f.), 
which  is  obviously  an  addition  to  an  older  prophecy, 
and  which  asserts  that  the  long-delayed  fulfilment  of 
the  prediction  is  now  at  hand.  Many  have  supposed 
the  epilogue  to  be  Isaianic,  and  the  rest  an  older  oracle 
quoted  by  him.  Marti  regards  the  whole  prophecy  as 
a  late  production.  There  is  not  very  much  data  for 
an  exact  determination  of  the  date. 

e.  Against  Damascus  [and  Ephraim],  for  the  head- 
ing as  it  stands  does  not  comprehend  the  whole  proph- 


THE  PROPHE  TIC  LITER  A  TURE  169 

ecy  (xvii,  i-ii). — The  destruction  of  both  nations  is 
described,  and  there  will  be  left  but  insignificant 
remnants.  As  there  is  no  indication  of  hostility  to- 
wards Judah,  the  passage  is  dated  before  the  Syro- 
Ephraimitish  war.  But  it  is  at  most  only  a  fragment, 
and  the  natural  place  is  in  connection  with  that 
troubled  time. 

/.  The  repulse  of  the  enemy  from  Jerusalem 
(xvii,  12-14). — The  foe  is  not  named.  It  is  natural  to 
think,  with  Driver,  of  the  invasion  of  Sennacherib ;  and 
yet  this  passage  is  scarcely  suitable  for  that  event,  for 
the  prophecies  about  Sennacherib  all  predict  his  de- 
struction, while  in  this  oracle  the  enemy  are  supposed 
to  retreat. 

g.  Against  Ethiopia  (xviii). —Apparently  the  or- 
acle is  directed  against  the  efforts  of  Hezekiah,  who 
was  endeavoring  to  meet  the  shock  of  Assyrian  inva- 
sions by  forming  alliances  with  the  Assyrians'  ene- 
mies. The  time  will  come,  according  to  this  prophet, 
when  Ethiopia  shall  seek  aid  from  Zion. 

h.  Against  Egypt  (xix). — Civil  war  will  result  in 
disaster  to  Egypt  and  the  rise  of  a  cruel  lord.  Her 
counsellors  are  foolish  and  fail  to  perceive  that  Jahveh 
is  the  one  they  should  fear.  The  language  of  Canaan 
will  be  spoken  in  Egypt,  and  an  altar  to  Jahveh  will 
be  built  there.  There  will  be  a  triple  alliance  of  Egypt, 
Assyria  and  Israel,  all  becoming  one  people  and  wor- 
shipping one  God. 

This  is  truly  a  remarkable  prophecy,  having  a  radi- 
cally different  tone  from  the  other  oracles  concerning 


170  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

the  nations.  It  is  pretty  difficult  to  find  a  satisfactory 
date.  It  is  fairly  certain,  however,  that  the  passage 
comes  from  another  hand  than  Isaiah's,  for  he  was 
consistently  opposed  to  all  alliances. 

i.  (xx). — This  is  a  bit  of  biography.  In  711  B.C., 
when  the  Assyrian  general,  the  Tartan,  captured  Ash- 
dod,  Isaiah  was  commanded  to  walk  the  streets  of  Je- 
rusalem for  three  years  in  the  meagre  garb  of  a  slave, 
as  a  sign  of  the  nakedness  which  will  come  upon  Egypt 
and  Ethiopia,  and  as  a  warning  to  Hezekiah  not  to 
depend  upon  those  powers. 

j.  The  willderness  of  the  sea  —  Babylon  (xxi,  i- 
10). — A  further  forecast  of  the  fall  of  Babylon  at  the 
hands  of  Elam  (the  home  of  Cyrus)  and  Media.  It  is 
therefore  closely  connected  with  No.  i  above,  but  is 
probably  a  few  years  later.     It  is  a  fine  passage. 

k.  On  Dumah — Edom  (xxi,  11  f.). —  This  is  a  mere 
fragment,  and  barely  intelligible. 

/.  Against  Arabia  (xxi,  13-17).  —  One  Arabian 
tribe  has  succored  others  that  were  hard  pressed,  but 
within  a  year  the  tribe  of  Kedar  will  be  reduced  to 
impotence.  There  is  nothing  to  indicate  the  occasion 
of  this  prophecy  or  the  reason  for  its  incorporation  in 
the  collection. 

m.  (xxii). — A  prophecy  dealing  with  the  internal 
affairs  of  Judah,  and  so  out  of  place  in  connection 
with  the  foreign  oracles.  The  first  part  (vv.  1-14), 
pictures  a  terrible  siege  of  Jerusalem,  in  which  houses 
were  selected  by  lot  to  be  torn  down  to  provide  mate- 
rial for  repairing  the  breached  walls.    The  second  part 


THE  PROP  HE  TIC  LITER  A  TURK  1 71 

is  an  attack  upon  Shebna,  one  of  the  high  officers  of 
the  court,  resulting  in  his  being  replaced  by  Eliakim 
{cf.  Is.  xxxvi,  3;  xxxvii,  2).  The  cause  of  Isaiah's  an- 
imosity was  probably  Shebna's  pro-Egyptian  policy. 
The  time  is  the  Invasion  of  Sennacherib. 

n.  Against  Tyre  (xxiii). — The  occasion  of  this 
prediction  of  the  downfall  of  Tyre  is  uncertain.  As 
a  rich  commercial  city,  it  was  coveted  by  all  the  ma- 
rauding nations  and  was  assailed  many  times.  There 
is  nothing  to  indicate  the  particular  attack  described 
here. 

3.  The  World  Judgment  (xxiv-xxvii).  —  G.  A. 
Smith  says  that  these  chapters  ''stand  in  the  front 
rank  of  evangelical  prophecy.  In  their  experience  of 
religion,  their  characterization  of  God's  people,  their 
expressions  of  faith,  their  missionary  hopes  of  immor- 
tality, they  are  very  rich  and  edifying"  {Book  of  Isaiah^ 
I,  431).  The  passage  is  apocalyptic,  for  the  world  is 
to  be  turned  upside  down.  Out  of  the  ruin  the  Jews 
will  come  forth  safe  and  sound.  The  date  is  very  un- 
certain, but  the  peculiar  conceptions  point  to  the 
post-exilic  period. 

4.  A  group  of  prophecies  dealing  with  the  rela- 
tions of  Judah  and  Assyria  {y.Y.\\\\-y.\YA\\). — The  first 
three  chapters  are  Isaianic,  save  for  some  interpola- 
tions, and  the  occasion  seems  to  be  Hezekiah's  league 
with  Egypt;  called  a  "covenant  with  death  and  agree- 
ment with  Sheol"  (xxviii,  18).  Here  we  have  again 
the  depicting  of  Israel's  vices,  and  of  the  great  dis- 


172  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

tress  which  will  fall  upon  Jerusalem,  largely  resulting 
from  the  false  confidence  in  the  Egyptian  alliance. 
The  direct  divine  overthrow  of  Assyria  is  foretold 
(xxxi,  8,  which  may  be  the  basis  for  2  Ki.  xix,  35). 
C.  xxxiii  gives  another  picture  of  the  Messianic  times, 
one  feature  of  which  will  be  the  righteous  king  {cf.  xi, 
1-8).  Vv.  9-14  do  not  fit  in  with  the  rest,  being  a 
rebuke  of  the  luxury-loving  women,  and  reminding  us 
of  iii,  i6-iv,  i.  C.  xxxiii  is  apocalyptic  like  cc.  xxiv- 
xxvii.  It  is  rather  loose  in  connection,  and  resembles 
the  prophecies  of  the  post-exilic  period. 

5.  The  future  of  Edom  and  Israel  (xxxiv,  xxxv). — 
The  oracle  discloses  the  bitter  feeling  against  Edom 
which  is  so  conspicuous  in  Hebrew  literature.  A 
judgment  from  God  is  coming  upon  the  whole  world, 
but  will  be  felt  most  heavily  by  Edom.  The  golden 
age  will  follow  the  judgment,  in  which  Jahveh's  ran- 
somed exiles  shall  return  to  Zion.  The  feeling  against 
Edom  and  the  promise  of  a  return  fixes  the  exile  as 
the  earliest  possible  date.  Marti  assigns  the  passage 
to  the  second  century. 

6.  A  history  of  a  part  of  Hezekiahs  reign  (xxxvi- 
xxxix). — This  is  a  duplicate  of  2  Ki.  xviii-xx,  and  is 
put  in  this  book  because  Isaiah  figures  in  the  incidents 
so  prominently.  The  king  is  quite  dependent  upon 
the  prophet  who  gives  him  consolatory  messages  in 
times  of  distress  and  heals  him  of  disease  when  he  is 
at  death's  door. 


THE  PROP  HE  TIC  LITER  A  TURE  1 73 

7.  Prophecies  of  the  Restoration  (xl-]xvi). — This 
is  one  of  the  finest  groups  of  prophecies  in  the  wonder- 
ful Hebrew  collection.  The  conception  of  God  rises 
at  times  almost  to  an  evangelical  plane.  The  mes- 
sages make  a  strong  appeal  to  people  of  all  ages  be- 
cause of  the  prominence  of  the  note  of  hope.  The 
purpose  of  these  utterances  is  to  cheer  the  spirits  of 
a  badly  discouraged  people. 

Of  late  there  has  been  a  tendency  among  a  few 
scholars  to  assign  the  chapters  to  a  later  date  than  has 
usually  been  accepted.  It  is  held  by  some  that  the 
prophecies  were  spoken  in  Jerusalem  rather  than  in 
Babylonia,  and  that  the  name  of  Cyrus  was  inserted 
by  a  later  hand.  The  arguments  are  not  convincing, 
and  there  seems  to  be  no  good  reason  for  doubting 
that  these  prophecies  really  herald  the  end  of  the  Ba- 
bylonian exile.  There  is  certainly  no  other  period 
which  they  fit  so  well. 

By  the  middle  of  the  sixth  century  B.C.,  the  Baby- 
lonian empire  was  reduced  to  a  state  of  weakness, 
largely  from  internal  causes.  In  559  B.C.  Cyrus  be- 
came the  king  of  Anzan.  He  was  a  man  of  extraor- 
dinary military  genius  and  was  a  wise  ruler.  His 
own  inscriptions  show  that  his  policy  was  to  conciliate 
all  conquered  peoples.  Indeed,  his  reputation  pre- 
ceded him  to  Babylon,  and  the  people,  weary  with  the 
Babylonian  oppression,  were  ready  to  welcome  him  as 
their  lord.  He  conquered  this  vast  empire  almost 
without  striking  a  blow. 

A  man  of  God,  having  a  large  vision,  and  able  to 


174  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

discern  the  signs  of  the  times,  could  easily  perceive 
that  Cyrus  would  never  sheathe  his  sword  until  Baby- 
lonia was  added  to  his  domains.  He  was  sure,  further, 
from  his  knowledge  of  Cyrus'  policy,  that  the  moment 
Babylon  fell,  all  the  conquered  peoples  who  had  been 
transported  to  that  empire  would  be  free  to  return 
to  their  own  lands.  Those  facts  serve  as  the  basis 
for  one  part  of  his  message. 

But  there  was  a  much  more  difficult  task  before  this 
great  unknown  seer;  for  it  was  laid  upon  him  to  see 
that  the  Jewish  people  took  advantage  of  the  freedom 
when  it  came.  We  must  remember  that  the  Jewish 
colony  had  been  in  Babylonia  for  half  a  century.  Prac- 
tically all  that  had  come  from  Judah  as  prisoners  of 
Nebuchadrezzar  were  dead.  All  to  whom  the  prophet 
spoke  had  been  born  and  reared  in  a  foreign  land. 
Their  homes  and  established  occupations  were  in  a 
prosperous  country.  It  is  natural  that  they  would  be 
reluctant  to  break  up  and  go  to  a  place  strange  to 
them  and  in  which  the  conditions  of  life  must  for  a 
time  be  very  hard. 

We  learn  from  Ezekiel  that  before  586  B.C.,  the 
Jews  in  Babylon  did  not  believe  that  Jerusalem  could 
fall.  When  the  catastrophe  did  come,  the  result  was 
the  profound  discouragement  of  the  people,  leading  to 
a  relaxing  of  their  zeal  for  Jahveh.  Many  of  them 
entered  a  good  deal  into  the  religious  life  of  the  people 
around  them,  so  that  idolatry  became  one  of  the  pop- 
ular vices.  These  few  facts  will  help  in  the  under- 
standing of  the  series  of  remarkable  prophecies,  the 


THE  PROP  HE  TIC  LITER  A  TURE  1 75 

first  of  which  was  spoken  probably  some  ten  years 
before  Babylon  fell  (539  b.c),  and  which  extended 
over  a  period  of  several  years.  For  some  of  the  later 
chapters  do  seem  to  have  been  delivered  in  Jerusalem 
after  the  rebuilding  of  the  temple  (515  b.c). 

C.  xl. — The  prophet  opens  with  a  cry  of  comfort 
and  good  cheer,  because  God  is  about  to  do  a  great 
work  for  his  people.  Stress  is  laid  upon  the  power 
of  God,  to  which  nothing  can  be  compared.  There 
is  an  attempt  to  meet  the  discouraged  lament  of  the 
people  that  their  way  is  hid  from  Jahveh  (v.  27)  with 
the  fine  message:  ''They  that  wait  for  Jahveh  shall 
renew  their  strength." 

C.  xli. — The  conquering  career  of  Cyrus  is  pictured, 
and  the  prophet  insists  that  the  movement  is  insti- 
gated by  God.  Israel  is  the  servant  of  Jahveh,  and 
Jahveh  will  be  with  him  and  help  him ;  whereas  the  en- 
emies of  God's  people  will  perish.  The  barren  and  des- 
olate land,  probably  Judah,  will  blossom  and  be  fruitful 
again.  The  idols  are  invited  to  compete  with  God's 
seer  in  forecasting  the  good  things  that  are  to  come. 

C.  xlii. — The  servant  is  now  a  person,  gently  doing 
the  work  of  a  gracious  God.  A  song  is  sung  in  praise 
of  Jahveh  because  of  his  purpose  to  crush  his  enemies. 
Jahveh  has  long  been  under  restraint  so  that  he  could 
do  nothing  for  his  people;  for  even  his  servant  was 
blind  and  the  people  had  suffered  the  inevitable  con- 
sequences of  their  sins. 

C.  xliii. — But  conditions  are  changed  and  God  is  now 
free  to  act,  and  He  will  bring  back  the  exiles  from  the 


176  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

ends  of  the  earth.  They  will  then  be  the  witnesses  of 
the  grace  and  power  of  God.  Bybylon's  fall  is  not  an 
accident  of  war,  but  is  deliberately  wrought  for  the  sake 
of  Israel.  Yet  Israel  had  done  nothing  to  merit  this 
favor,  for  they  had  made  no  offerings  to  God.  Never- 
theless He  had  blotted  out  their  sins  for  His  own  sake. 

C.  xliv. — Jahveh  created  Israel  from  the  beginning, 
and  now  the  people  would  recognize  their  God,  and 
they  would  see  that  he  was  the  only  God.  The 
prophet  pictures  with  fine  satire  the  kind  of  gods  that 
were  worshipped  in  Babylonia,  With  great  detail  he 
shows  how  the  carpenter  selects  a  sound  log  and  goes 
to  work  at  it  with  his  tools.  He  fashions  a  part  of  it 
into  the  figure  of  a  man,  and  the  waste  pieces  he 
uses  for  fuel  to  cook  his  food  and  to  warm  himself. 
Jahveh  is  the  mighty  redeemer  of  Israel,  and  now  will 
fulfil  the  gracious  promises  that  have  been  made. 
There  is  the  specific  promise  that  the  ruined  Jerusa- 
lem shall  be  inhabited  again  and  the  temple  rebuilt. 

C.  xlv. — Cyrus  who  had  already  been  called  the  shep- 
herd of  Jahveh  (xliv,  28),  is  now  named  His  ariointed, 
His  Messiah;  and  Jahveh  has  called  him  (even  though 
he  knew  it  not)  for  the  sake  of  the  good  he  would  do 
to  Israel.  The  people  objected  to  a  deliverer  who  was 
not  of  their  race,  but  they  are  warned  that  the  child 
dare  not  criticize  what  the  father  has  begotten.  Em- 
phasis is  laid  upon  the  monotheistic  doctrine  which 
is  more  conspicuous  in  this  prophetic  collection  than 
in  any  other  part  of  the  Old  Testament,  with  the  pos- 
sible exception  of  the  Elijah  stories. 


THE  PROPHETIC  LITERA  TURE  177 

C.  xlvi. — The  gods  of  Babylon,  Bel  and  Nebo,  who 
have  to  be  transported  on  the  backs  of  animals,  are 
contrasted  with  Jahveh,  who  has  carried  the  nation  of 
Israel  from  the  beginning  of  their  history.  Naboni- 
dus,  the  king  of  Babylon  at  this  time,  attempted  to 
bring  all  the  images  of  deities  into  his  own  city,  partly 
for  greater  security  against  the  anticipated  attacks  of 
Cyrus.  In  view  of  this  fact  the  prophet's  satire  is 
obvious. 

C.  xlvii. — The  virgin  daughter  of  Babylon  is  jeered 
at  on  account  of  her  impending  fall;  she  shall  wear 
the  dress  and  do  the  work  of  a  slave.  She  lorded  it 
over  God's  people  who  were  given  into  her  hands  for 
discipline,  not  for  oppression. 

C.  xlviii. — The  blow  has  now  come,  for  in  the  suc- 
ceeding chapters  we  have  no  more  predictions  of  the 
fall  of  Babylon.  The  prophet  emphasizes  the  evidential 
value  of  his  now  fulfilled  predictions,  not  as  indicative 
of  his  insight;  but  as  proof  of  the  power  of  God.  An 
appeal  is  made  to  the  exiles  to  return  to  their  native 
land. 

C.  xlix. — The  servant  of  Jahveh  has  been  carefully 
preserved  through  a  long  period  of  distress,  but  now 
is  called  to  act  in  order  to  bring  Jacob  back  to  God. 
There  is  also  the  presentation  of  a  larger  view,  that 
the  Gentiles  also  may  be  brought  to  accept  Jahveh  as 
their  God.  There  is  a  beautiful  picture  of  the  bless- 
ings which  God  will  shower  upon  his  people.  Such 
assurance  is  necessary,  as  Israel  had  so  largely  lost 
faith  in  Jahveh. 
13 


178  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

C.  1. — There  was  never  a  permanent  separation  of 
Israel  from  Jahveh;  for  Jahveh  neither  divorced  nor 
sold  the  faithless  mother  {cf.  Hos.  i-iii).  The  servant 
soliliquizes:  Jahveh  gives  him  wisdom  and  speech; 
he  had  easily  endured  persecution  because  of  his  con- 
fidence in  the  help  of  God. 

C.  li. — An  appeal  is  made  to  the  faithful  to  live 
worthily  of  their  high  origin.  Jahveh  made  a  great 
people  out  of  Abraham,  an  individual :  how  much  more 
shall  be  the  splendor  of  Zion,  now  that  a  whole  nation 
is  called  back  to  the  holy  hill.  Jahveh  is  called  upon 
to  repeat  some  of  the  splendid  favor  shown  to  his 
people  in  the  olden  times.  Israel  is  told  to  disregard 
the  jeers  of  men,  probably  referring  to  those  who 
sneered  at  the  idea  of  leaving  a  good  country  and  go- 
ing back  to  the  barren  hills  of  Judah. 

C.  Hi,  I-I2. — Zion  is  called  upon  to  awake  to  a  new 
life,  for  the  sanctuary  will  no  longer  be  profaned  by 
the  feet  of  the  unclean.  The  people  shall  be  redeemed 
from  bondage.  A  herald  carries  the  good  news  of  re- 
demption to  Jerusalem,  and  the  exiles  are  urged  to 
follow. 

C.  Hi,  13-liii. — The  experience  of  the  suffering  ser- 
vant. The  servant  was  so  disfigured  that  men  turned 
their  face  away,  for  he  had  borne  pain  and  sorrow  in 
excess.  In  accord  with  the  received  theology,  his 
pain  was  deemed  the  result  of  his  own  wrong;  but  now 
it  is  perceived  that  his  sufferings  were  vicarious,  as 
he  was  bearing  the  consequences  of  others'  sins.  He 
bore  his  pain  without  a  murmur  of  complaint,  because 


THE  PROP  HE  TIC  LITER  A  TURE  1 79 

Jahveh  laid  the  burden  upon  him.     In  the  end  Jahveh 
will  accomplish  his  purpose,  and  glorify  His  servant. 

The  Servant  of  Jahveh. — This  prophecy  is  the  culmination  of 
the  servant  passages.  It  reaches  the  highest  level  of  all  the 
Messianic  prophecies  in  the  Old  Testament ;  for  here  the  Mes- 
siah is  represented  as  reaching  the  divine  end  through  suffering. 
In  some  of  the  passages  in  deutero-Isaiah  the  servant  is  undoubt- 
edly the  nation,  and  some  scholars  would  interpret  all  of  them  in 
that  sense.  But  it  is  difficult  to  beHeve  that  the  nation  exhausts 
the  meaning  of  the  chapter  before  us.  It  seems  clear  that  as  uffer- 
ing  individual  must  have  been  in  the  prophet's  mind.  Further, 
while  we  must  allow  for  the  prophet's  concern  with  the  hard 
problems  of  his  own  age,  we  must  also  admit  that  he  has  given 
a  remarkable  forecast  of  a  conspicuous  note  in  the  life  of  Christ. 

C.  liv. — The  aim  of  the  prophet  now  is  to  encourage 
the  people  struggling  to  restore  their  ruined  kingdom. 
For  these  chapters  were  probably  delivered  in  Jerusa- 
lem. There  is  the  promise  of  a  great  increase  in 
numbers  and  power,  and  the  eloquent  assurance,  **no 
weapon  that  is  formed  against  thee  shall  prosper." 

C.  Iv. — The  blessings  of  heaven  shall  be  freely  be- 
stowed, and  the  prosperity  of  Israel  will  attract  other 
nations  to  their  God.  Man  cannot  comprehend  the 
ways  of  God,  but  the  word  of  God  will  be  surely  ful- 
filled. 

C.  Ivi. — Being  the  people  of  God  is  not  a  matter  of 
race  or  physical  perfection,  but  of  obedience  to  the 
laws  of  God.  The  foreigners  who  have  attached  them- 
selves to  Jahveh  shall  never  be  excommunicated ;  and 
the  monarchs,  of  whom  there  may  have  been  many 
among  the  returned  exiles,  shall  have  an  eternal  mem- 
orial in  the  holy  city.     Vv.  9-12  are  puzzling;  they 


180  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

seem  to  be  directed  against  such  greedy  rulers  as  Ne- 
hemiah  describes  (Neh.  v,  15-18).  The  poor  people 
were  sore  hindered  by  the  oppression  of  those  who 
governed  them. 

C.  Ivii. — Here  there  is  a  picture  of  the  suffering  of 
God's  poor,  and  a  severe  indictment  of  those  responsi- 
ble for  that  condition.  The  oppressors  may  have  been 
those  who  were  more  concerned  to  stand  in  favor  with 
the  Persians  than  with  God.  Purnishment  will  yet 
overtake  them,  but  Jahveh  will  heal  the  wounds  of  the 
oppressed. 

C.  Iviii.  —The  message  has  a  distinct  evangelical 
note.  The  religion  which  consisted  merely  of  forms 
and  ceremonies  is  denounced  as  worthless.  The  people 
of  God  must  show  their  religion  in  the  lives  they  lead, 
feeding  the  hungry  and  comforting  the  afflicted.  The 
nation  can  be  renewed  only  on  the  basis  of  righteous 
living,  especially,  stress  is  laid  here  as  in  c.  Ivi  on  the 
observance  of  the  Sabbath  day,  and  that  also  reminds 
us  of  the  conditions  of  Nehemiah's  time  {cf.  Neh.  xiii, 
15-22). 

C.  lix. — The  bad  conditions  in  restored  Isreal  are 
not  due  to  any  lack  of  power  in  Jahveh,  but  to  the 
sins  of  the  people.  There  is  a  confession  in  vv.  9-15, 
acknowledging  wrongdoing  as  the  cause  of  the  present 
distress.  Jahveh  took  the  matter  into  His  own  hands, 
and  His  fame  is  spread  through  all  the  world. 

C.  Ix.  — This  consists  of  an  address  to  Jerusalem, 
giving  her  assurance  that  Jahveh  will  yet  shed  His 
glory  upon  her;  her  children  shall  come  back  from 


THE  PROPHETIC  LITERA  TURE  181 

every  part  of  the  earth  ;  her  walls  will  be  restored  ;  and 
the  wealth  of  the  world  will  pour  through  her  gates. 
The  aim  of  the  prophet  is  to  cheer  up  those  who  are 
struggling  to  raise  Jerusalem  from  its  ruins.  The  Per- 
sian period  was  a  trying  one  to  the  faithful,  because  the 
apathy  of  the  mass  of  the  Jews  could  not  be  overcome. 

C.  Ixi. — A  part  is  a  reflection  of  the  prophet,  and  is 
written  in  the  first  person  (w.  1-3,  10  f.).  The  seer 
describes  his  mission,  and  expresses  his  joy  in  the 
righteousness  which  Jahveh  will  cause  to  spring  forth. 
The  rest  is  addressed  to  the  people,  assuring  them 
that  the  nations  of  the  world  will  hold  the  Jews  in 
high  esteem  because  of  their  God. 

C.  Ixii. — This  is  another  address  to  Jerusalem.  The 
city  and  the  land  shall  have  new  names  appropriate  to 
the  new  era;  and  the  people,  too,  will  have  new  titles 
to  mark  the  new  age.  The  watchmen  upon  the  walls 
of  Jerusalem  are  invited  to  keep  Jahveh  reminded 
of  His  promises  until  they  are  fulfilled. 

C.  Ixiii. — Jahveh  is  pictured  as  a  mighty  warrior 
coming  back  from  Edom  after  slaughtering  the  ene- 
mies of  His  people  (w.  1-6).  This  part  betrays  the 
characteristic  animosity  towards  the  Edomites,  and 
presents  so  gory  a  picture  that  we  may  easily  believe 
it  to  come  from  a  different  author.  There  follows  a 
recital  of  the  great  deeds  of  Jahveh  in  the  past  (vv. 
7-14),  and  a  pathetic  cry  because  of  the  presence  of  the 
enemy  in  the  holy  city  (w.  15-19). 

C.  Ixiv.— The  people  appeal  for  a  fresh  manifestation 
of  the  divine  power;  they  are  profoundly  discouraged 


182  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

because  of  their  woes,  and  because  of  the  religious 
indifference  of  the  people.  The  land  is  wasted  and 
the  temple  is  in  ruins,  and  there  are  evidences  of 
Jahveh's  wrath.  It  would  appear  to  be  necessary  to 
date  this  prophecy  earlier  than  the  rebuilding  of  the 
temple,  unless  we  regard  w.  9-1 1  as  an  interpolation 
(see  Marti). 

C.  Ixv. — From  this  address  of  Jahveh  it  appears  that 
there  are  many  wicked  people  in  post-exilic  Judah. 
These  people  practice  idolatry  and  yet  deem  them- 
selves holier  than  their  neighbors.  Jahveh  will  never 
again  destroy  the  good  with  the  evil;  the  latter  shall 
be  given  over  to  the  sword,  while  the  former  shall  be 
prosperous  and  happy,  Jahveh  will  make  all  things 
new,  and  in  Jerusalem  there  shall  be  an  era  of  peace 
in  which  the  inhabitants  shall  round  out  their  long 
lives  without  molestation,  and  they  shall  reap  a  rich 
reward  for  their  labors. 

C.  Ixvi. — There  is  evidence  of  dissension  among  the 
people,  always  a  cause  of  slow  progress.  Some  of  the 
people  rely  solely  upon  sacrifices,  to  which  Jahveh  pays 
no  heed;  and  some  are  persecuted  and  cast  out  by  men, 
but  they  do  not  thus  lose  the  favor  of  their  God. 
Jahveh  has  brought  Israel  back  from  captivity,  and 
having  helped  them  thus  far,  He  is  ready  to  complete 
his  gracious  work.  Jerusalem  shall  yet  be  comforted, 
and  her  people  shall  rejoice.  All  nations  shall  see  the 
glory  of  the  Lord,  and  will  bring  back  the  prisoners 
they  still  hold,  and  of  these  priests  and  Levites  will  be 
found  for  the  service  of  the  temple.     All  people  will 


THE  PROPHETIC  LITER  A  TURE  1 83 

come  to  worship  Jahveh  in  this  new  age,  for  they  will 
see  the  havoc  wrought  among  those  that  have  trans- 
gressed against  Him. 

Jeremiah 

For  three  quarters  of  a  century,  so  far  as  we  know, 
there  had  been  no  prophetic  voice  in  Judah.  From 
the  day  Isaiah  delivered  his  last  message,  about  701 
B.C.,  until  the  young  priest  of  Anathoth  opened  his 
lips,  626  B.C.,  there  is  no  record  of  any  prophecy. 
This  period  includes  the  long  reign  of  Manasseh,  the 
short  reign  of  Amon,  and  the  first  years  of  Josiah. 
God  was  without  witness  at  that  time  because  Manas- 
seh was  a  persecutor.  It  is  true  that  there  are  refer- 
ences to  specific  prophecies  (2  Ki.  xxi.  loff. ;  2  Chr. 
xxxiii,  10,  18),  but  the  exception  rather  proves  the 
rule.  It  is  very  probable  that  the  ''innocent  blood 
very  much"  which  that  wicked  king  shed  (2  Ki.  xxi, 
16)  was  to  a  considerable  extent  the  blood  of  those 
who  essayed  to  speak  the  truth  of  God. 

When  Josiah  became  king  by  the  assassination  of 
his  father  he  was  a  mere  child.  Just  at  the  time  of 
his  majority  the  Asiatic  world  was  stirred  by  the 
Scythian  invasion.  These  barbarian  hordes  overran 
all  of  Asia  Minor,  and  for  a  time  Judah  was  in  great 
peril.  This  crisis  brought  forward  two  prophets, 
Jeremiah  and  Zephaniah. 

The  book  of  Jeremiah  is  peculiar  on  account  of  the 
large  amount  of  biographical  material  it  contains.  In 
parts  there  are  prophecies  pure  and  simple ;  but  in  the 


184  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

larger  portion  of  the  book  the  messages  are  inter- 
woven with  the  narrative,  so  that  we  have  the  historic 
setting  in  full. 

The  Septuagint  differs  very  greatly  from  the  Hebrew, 
especially  in  the  order  of  the  chapters.  The  trans- 
lators may  have  had  a  different  text  from  that  which 
has  come  down  to  us.  The  order  is  not  chronological 
in  either  text,  and  at  times  it  is  impossible  to  say 
what  principle  underlies  the  arrangement.  Several 
of  the  chapters  are  dated,  but  often  it  is  not  easy  to 
determine  the  proper  chronological  order.  It  is  con- 
venient for  study  to  group  the  prophecies  by  the  reigns 
of  the  various  kings. 

I.  The  reign  of  Josiah,  639-609  B.C. — Jeremiah's 
call  is  described  in  c.  i.  It  belongs  to  the  13th  year  of 
Josiah,  so  626  B.C.  Jeremiah  is  assured  that  from  birth 
he  was  destined  for  the  prophetic  office.  He  protests 
his  unfitness  on  the  ground  that  he  is  too  young  or  in- 
experienced to  be  a  public  speaker.  He  is  reassured  be- 
cause God  will  direct  his  movements  and  supply  him 
with  the  message  he  is  to  deliver.  The  stormy  times  in 
which  the  prophet  is  to  live,  and  the  severe  trials  he  is 
to  undergo,  are  reflected  in  the  repeated  injunctions 
not  to  fear  those  who  will  rise  in  bitter  opposition. 
The  vision  of  the  boiling  caldron  points  out  the  source 
from  which  will  come  the  danger  to  the  nation, — first 
the  Scythians,  and  later  the  Babylonians. 

In  cc.  ii-vi  we  find  a  group  of  prophecies  which  were 
probably  occasioned  by  the  invasion  of  the  terrible 


THE  PROPHETIC  LITER  A  TURE  1 85 

Scythians,  though  in  part  the  oracles  have  been  re- 
touched, possibly  to  make  them  apply  to  later  enemies. 
Duhm  holds  that  i,  i-iv,  4,  is  a  collection  of  prophetic 
poems  composed  before  Jeremiah  left  his  home  at 
Anathoth,  and  that  the  enemies  are  Assyria  and 
Egypt.  There  is  much  in  these  chapters  against 
idolatry.  It  is  shown  that  sinfulness  had  characterized 
the  people  throughout  their  history.  The  threatening 
disaster  is  the  divine  punishment  for  sin.  There  are 
graphic  pictures  of  the  havoc  wrought  by  the  foe  (e.g. 
iv,  19-31). 

The  result  of  the  preaching  of  Jeremiah  and  Zepha- 
niah  was  tremendous.  What  kind  of  a  king  Josiah 
would  otherwise  have  been,  it  is  impossible  to  say. 
He  was  now  about  twenty-five  years  old,  and  seems 
to  have  been  impressed  with  the  peril  from  which  he 
had  escaped,  and  was  desirous  to  avoid  further  dis- 
asters. Therefore  he  began  his  great  reformation  (2 
Ki.  xxii  f.),  to  which  the  discovery  of  the  law  gave  a 
great  impulse.  The  appearance  of  this  law,  the  book 
of  Deuteronomy,  made  a  deep  impression  on  Jeremiah, 
and  from  xi,  1-8,  it  appears  that  for  a  time  he  went 
about  the  towns  of  Judah  appealing  to  the  people  to 
obey  the  new  law.  His  own  productions  everywhere 
show  the  influence  of  Deuteronomy.  Orelli  supposes 
that  the  address  on  the  Sabbath  day  (xvii,  19-27)  be- 
longs to  this  period. 

2.  The  reign  of  Jehoiakim^  608-597  B.C. — Josiah 
was  slain  by  the  Egyptians  at  the  battle  of  Megiddo 


186  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

(2  Ki.  xxiii,  29^;  2  Chr.  xxxv,  20  ff.).  By  a  popular 
movement,  Jehoahaz,  a  younger  son  of  Josiah,  was 
placed  on  the  throne.  But  he  ruled  only  three  months, 
when  he  was  taken  prisoner  by  Pharoah-necoh,  who 
carried  him  to  Egypt  where  he  died  a  prisoner.  Pha- 
roah  placed  Jehoiakim  on  the  throne,  and  Judah  became 
an  Egyptian  dependency.  The  chapters  which  belong 
to  this  reign  are  vii-xii,  xiv-xxiii,  8;  xxv,  xxvi,  xxxv, 
xxxvi,  xlv-xlix.^  Jehoiakim  was  a  reactionary.  Josiah's 
tragic  death  was  interpreted  as  a  punishment  for  his 
destruction  of  the  local  shrines  scattered  through  the 
land,  and  the  people  readily  turned  to  the  old  ways. 

Jeremiah's  first  message  under  the  new  order  was  a 
prediction  of  disaster.  The  sermon  on  the  temple 
(vii-ix;  x,  17-25)  contains  these  chief  points:  (i)  The 
temple  will  be  destroyed,  even  as  that  at  Shiloh.  The 
belief  of  the  people  that  Jahveh  must  save  Jerusalem 
to  protect  His  sanctuary  was  a  vain  superstition.  (2) 
The  Jewish  people  were  led  so  far  from  the  ways  of 
God  that  no  prophetic  intercession  would  avail  to  save 
them.  (3)  Salvation  could  never  come  from  sacrifices, 
but  only  from  faithful  obedience  to  the  law  of  God. 
(4)  The  holy  city  was  certain  to  be  destroyed,  even 
the  graves  of  the  dead  being  opened  in  the  mad  search 
for  plunder. 

The  sequel  to  this  bold  declaration  is  found  in  c. 
xxvi.      Some  writers  have  assigned  the  chapters  to 


^  This  grouping  is  only  approximately  correct,  as   x,  1-16,  is 
exilic  ;  xi,  1-8,  is  probably  earlier  ;  xxi,  i-io,  is  later. 


THE  PROPHE  TIC  LITER  A  TURK  1 87 

the  Scythian  invasion.  It  is  true  that  here  and  there 
are  hints  of  an  invasion  and  a  siege,  but  they  may  re- 
flect the  recent  capture  of  Jehoahaz,  and  the  general 
tone  is  the  same  as  c.  xxvi,  which  is  dated  "in  the  be- 
ginning of  the  reign  of  Jehoiakim."  From  xxvi,  2,  it 
appears  that  the  sermon  on  the  temple  had  been  de- 
livered at  a  festival  when  all  Judah  was  gathered  at 
Zion.  Jeremiah  now  came  into  conflict  with  the 
authorities,  both  civil  and  ecclesiastical.  He  was 
arrested  by  the  priests  and  prophets  and  taken  before 
the  princes  sitting  as  a  court;  he  was  charged  with  a 
capital  offence,  blasphemy  against  the  temple,'  and 
his  death  was  demanded. 

Like  St.  Paul  (Acts  xxvi,  i),  Jeremiah  was  allowed 
to  speak  on  his  own  behalf.  His  defence  leaves  noth- 
ing to  be  desired.  He  asserts  that  he  had  spoken 
only  the  words  which  Jahveh  had  put  in  his  mouth, 
and  he  could  not  do  otherwise.  He  admits  that  he  is 
in  the  power  of  the  court,  but  he  proclaims  boldly 
that  if  he  is  put  to  death,  the  hands  of  his  executioners 
will  be  stained  with  innocent  blood.  Jeremiah  was 
saved  by  a  friend  who  cited  the  notable  precedent  of 
Micah  who  had  used  similar  language  a  century  be- 
fore, and  whose  threat  led  to  Hezekiah's  reformation, 
not  to  his  own  death.  This  friend  was  Ahikam 
(xxvi,  24).  Jeremiah  was  acquitted,  but  another  pro- 
phet, Uriah,  who  preached  the  same  doctrine,  was 
pursued  to  Egypt,  brought  back  and  put  to  death  by 


*  Cf.  the  charge  against  our  Lord,  St.  Mat.  xxvi,  59  £f. 


THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


order  of  the  king.  It  was  a  perilous  time  for  the 
faithful  man  of  God. 

The  next  passage  to  study  is  in  xi,  9-xii.  The 
prophet  sees  a  conspiracy  against  God,  in  that  there 
is  a  combination  to  indulge  in  idolatrous  practices, 
and  such  repentance  as  there  is  is  unblushing  hypoc- 
risy. Again  his  life  is  in  danger,  and  this  time  from 
the  men  of  Anathoth,  the  friends  and  neighbors  of 
his  youth.  Jeremiah  was  warned  of  the  plot  to  assas- 
sinate him  (xi,  18),  and  escaped;  and  we  can  easily 
understand  the  bitter  words  he  poured  out  upon  those 
who  proved  that  **a  prophet  was  not  without  honor, 
save  among  his  own  people,"  His  prayers  for  evil 
upon  his  persecutors  are  not  answered,  at  least  in  the 
way  he  would  have  it,  and  he  is  counselled  to  practice 
patience,  a  quality  he  will  sorely  need,  as  his  faith 
will  have  still  greater  trials  to  endure. 

The  Jews  had  gotten  along  rather  easily  during  the 
mild  sway  of  the  Egyptians.  In  604  b.c.  occurred 
the  battle  of  Carchemish,  which  resulted  in  the  defeat 
of  Egypt  by  the  Babylonian  army,  and  Judah  thus 
passed  under  the  control  of  Nebuchadrezzar,  who  was 
in  a  few  years  to  work  its  complete  ruin.  Jehoiakim 
rebelled  against  the  new  overlord,  and  the  result  was 
war  and  disaster.  At  the  time  of  this  revolt  Jeremiah 
uttered  the  prophesies  in  cc.  xiv-xvii,  the  immediate 
occasion  of  which  was  a  terrible  drought  (xiv,  1-9). 
Jeremiah  is  troubled  because  other  prophets  give  a 
message  of  peace,  while  his  own  vision  is  only  of 
war.    He  is  assured  that  those  prophets  speak  falsely 


THE  PROPHETIC  LITERA  TURE  189 

in  the  name  of  Jahveh.  He  is  told  the  time  has  come 
when  even  the  intercessions  of  Moses  and  Samuel 
could  not  turn  God  from  His  purpose  to  punish.  As 
the  case  is  so  hopeless  the  prophet  laments  his  use- 
less calling.  The  only  assurance  he  has  is  of  his  own 
protection  (xv,  20  f.).  He  is  forbidden  to  marry  and 
beget  children,  because  of  the  terrible  sufferings 
which  will  befall  the  weak  and  helpless  (xvi,  1-13). 
There  is  much  in  xvi,  14-21,  pointing  to  a  later 
period,  and  which  may  have  been  interpolated.  The 
people  seemed  to  look  to  human  power  for  deliverance 
rather  than  to  God,  relying  upon  an  alliance  with 
Egypt. 

In  cc.  xviii-xx,  which  may  be  somewhat  earlier  than 
those  just  considered,  we  have  a  series  of  addresses, 
based  on  a  visit  to  the  potter.  As  the  prophet  sees 
the  potter  do  what  he  will  with  the  clay,  he  is  re- 
minded how  absolutely  Israel  is  in  the  power  of  God. 
He  catches  a  new  inspiration  as  he  recognizes  the 
conditional  element  in  prophetic  threats;  for  if  the 
people  heed  the  warning,  God  will  change  His  pur- 
pose, even  as  the  potter  does.  His  enemies  are  alert, 
and  make  another  effort  to  destroy  his  influence. 
Jeremiah  is  particularly  embittered  by  this  attack, 
and  pours  out  powerful  imprecations  upon  his  foes 
(xviii,  18-23). 

Then  follows  another  symbolic  message.  He  buys 
an  earthen  bottle  and  breaks  it  before  the  people  in 
the  ominous  valley  of  Hinnom  as  a  sign  that  God 
would  break  the  nation  (c.  xix).     Pashur,  the   chief 


190  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

officer  of  the  temple,  was  among  his  auditors,  and  he 
resolves  to  do  some  breaking  on  his  own  account. 
The  prophet  is  seized  and  placed  in  the  stocks  in  a 
public  gate,  and  left  there  over  night.  When  Jeremiah 
is  released  in  the  morning,  he  quickly  shows  that  his 
spirit  is  not  crushed,  for  he  pours  forth  fierce  pre- 
dictions of  disaster,  which  would  come  upon  his  per- 
secutor (xx,  1-6).  Then  the  seer  goes  to  his  home 
and  falls  into  a  state  of  black  depression,  such  as  it  is 
hoped  few  of  the  sons  of  men  know  (ib.  7-18).  He 
feels  that  God  has  forced  him  to  his  unwelcome  task; 
he  had  often  resolved  to  speak  no  more  in  the  name  of 
Jahveh,  but  then  there  was  "in  his  heart  as  it  were  a 
burning  fire  shut  up  in  his  bones,  and  he  became 
weary  of  forbearing,"  and  could  contain  himself  no 
longer.  The  passage  ends  with  a  curse  upon  the  day 
of  his  birth,  which  is  very  like  what  we  find  in  Jobiii. 
At  this  point  we  may  conveniently  consider  xxi,  11- 
xxiii,  8,  in  which  Jeremiah  expresses  his  opinion  of 
the  various  kings  who  in  his  day  sat  upon  the  throne 
of  David.  First  he  has  a  message  to  the  royal  house  in 
general,  describing  the  righteous  and  just  rule  which 
God  demands,  and  which  he  did  not  find  in  the  arro- 
gant and  boastful  Judean  kings  (xxi,  ii-xxii,  9).  He 
then  speaks  specifically  of  Jehoahaz,  who  had  been 
carried  to  Egypt,  whence  he  would  never  return  (xxii, 
10-12).  Next  he  makes  a  severe  arraignment  of  Je- 
hoiakim,  declaring  that  his  end  will  be  by  violence,  so 
that  there  will  beneither  lament  nor  burial  {ib.  13,19). 
He   speaks   at  greater  length    about   Jehoiachin   or 


THE  PROPHETIC  LITERA  TURE  191 

Coniah,  who  was  taken  to  Babylon  as  a  prisoner, 
where  he  remained  in  bondage  for  thirty-six  years 
{ib.  21-30).  Finally,  he  speaks  again  collectively  of 
those  shepherds  who  scattered  the  flocks  which  they 
should  have  fed,  and  closes  with  a  Messianic  passage, 
which  may  be  later,  and  is  a  prediction  of  the  rise  of 
a  righteous  king  (xxiii,  1-8).  It  is  certain  that  Jere- 
miah had  a  very  poor  opinion  of  the  kings  who  ruled 
in  his  day.  Zedekiah  is  not  named,  not  because  he 
was  any  better  than  the  others,  but  because  the 
prophecy  was  delivered  before  his  reign. 

C.  XXV  is  dated,  and  belongs  to  the  time  of  the  battle 
of  Carchemish,  the  meaning  of  which  Jeremiah  recog- 
nized only  too  well.  The  prophet  dwells  on  the  many 
warnings  delivered  by  him  and  others,  but  which  the 
people  had  not  heeded.  Judah  and  all  the  nations 
which  Nebuchadrezzar  conquered  would  be  compelled 
to  drink  Jahveh's  wine-cup  of  fury,  symbolizing  their 
complete  downfall.  Vv.  8-14  predict  the  release  of 
the  exiles  after  seventy  years,  and  is  therefore  re- 
garded by  Duhm  and  others  as  post-exilic. 

C.  XXXV  belongs  to  a  period  when  Judah  was  overrun 
by  the  Babylonian  armies,  and  so  the  nomadic  Rechab- 
ites  had  been  driven  into  Jerusalem  for  safety.  The 
prophet  offered  them  wine,  and  when  they  refused,  on 
the  ground  that  the  founder  of  their  tribe  had  forbid- 
den them  to  drink  wine,  and  they  had  always  obeyed 
his  orders,  Jeremiah  points  the  moral  to  the  mass  of 
Jews  standing  by — for  the  scene  was  at  the  temple  — 
showing   how    Israel   suffered    in   comparison.     The 


192  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

Rechabites  were  loyal  to  the  orders  of  a  man,  while 
the  Israelites  would  not  obey  the  command  of  God. 

C.  xxxvi  is  dated  in  the  fourth  year  of  Jehoiakim, 
and  is  very  important  and  interesting.  Jeremiah  was 
''shut  up"  (v.  5),  that  is,  he  was  compelled  to  keep  in 
the  background  on  account  of  the  danger  from  his 
enemies.  He  dare  not  appear  in  public  to  speak,  so 
he  is  commanded  to  write  down  all  the  prophecies  he 
had  delivered  in  a  period  of  more  than  twenty  years. 
It  was  hoped  that  the  people  might  be  influenced  by 
the  written  word  to  obey  the  laws  of  God.  This  is  the 
only  case  where  we  have  any  explanation  of  the  writing 
down  of  prophecies.  The  work  took  a  good  part  of  a 
year,  Jeremiah  dictating  to  Baruch,  his  secretary,  and 
Baruch  then  reading  the  roll  before  the  people  assem- 
bled at  the  temple  on  a  fast  day.  This  virtual  reappear- 
ance of  the  supposedly  silenced  prophet  caused  conster- 
nation among  the  princes.  They  were  friendly  though, 
and  delayed  carrying  the  news  to  the  king  long  enough 
for  Baruch  and  Jeremiah  to  find  so  secure  a  hiding  place 
that  it  is  said  "Jahveh  hid  them"  (v.  26).  As  the  roll 
was  read  to  the  king  he  cut  it  in  pieces  and  burned  it  in 
the  fire,  vainly  supposing  that  he  could  destroy  the 
word  of  God  by  fire.  Jeremiah's  answer  was  the  pro- 
duction of  a  larger  book,  containing  in  still  plainer 
language  the  declaration  of  Judah's  certain  downfall. 

C.  xlv  shows  that  Baruch  realized  the  danger  he  was 
in  at  this  critical  time,  and  Jeremiah  takes  pains  to 
reassure  him  that  his  life  will  be  spared  in  spite  of  the 
ruin  coming  upon  the  state. 


THE  PROP  HE  TIC  LITER  A  TURE  1 93 

In  cc.  xlvi-xlix  there  is  a  collection  of  prophecies 
against  foreign  nations,  and  these  for  the  most  part  be- 
long to  the  period  of  the  battle  of  Carchemish,  and  are 
warnings  to  the  nations  of  the  danger  from  the  new 
Babylonian  power.  There  is  first  a  long  oracle  against 
Egypt  (c.xlvi)  declaring  that  this  people  will  be  broken. 
Though  Nebuchadrezzar  is  the  instrument,  the  destruc- 
tion is  really  the  work  of  the  Lord  (vv.  10-15).  The 
oracle  is  meant  as  a  warning  to  the  party  in  Jerusalem 
which  persisted  to  the  last  in  relying  upon  the  empire  of 
the  Nile  to  rescue  them  from  the  Babylonians.  There 
followsa  series  of  prophecies, somelong  and  some  short: 
against  Philistia,  c.  xlvii;  Moab,  c.  xlviii;  Ammon, 
Edom,  Syria,  and  three  Arabian  tribes,  Kedar,  Hazor 
and  Elam,  c.  xlix.  It  is  probably  not  accidental  that, 
counting  the  last  three  as  one,  there  are  seven  nations 
whose  doom  is  foretold.  So  in  Amos  i,  ii,  there  are 
seven  nations  upon  whom  doom  is  pronounced. 

After  the  burning  of  the  roll,  so  far  as  we  know, 
Jeremiah  did  not  prophesy  again  during  the  reign  of 
Jehoiakim.  Probably  he  was  never  able  to  emerge 
from  his  hiding  place.  Jehoiakim  was  succeeded  by 
his  son,  of  a  provokingly  similar  name,  Jehoiachin.  A 
Babylonian  army  appeared  before  Jerusalem,  the 
king  surrendered,  and  he,  with  his  court  and  several 
thousand  soldiers  and  artisans,  were  taken  prisoners 
to  Babylonia,  among  them  being  the  young  prophet 
Ezekiel.  The  king  of  Babylon  placed  on  the  throne 
of  Judah  Zedekiah,  the  brother  of  Jehoiakim,  and 
made  him  swear  allegiance  to  himself. 


194  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

3.  The  reign  of  Zedekiah,  596-586.— The  prophecies 
which  belong  to  this  reign  are  cc.  xiii,  xxi,  i-io;xxiii, 
9-40;  xxiv,  xxvii-xxxiv,  xxxvii-xxxix,  1-lii. 

C.  xiii. — The  prophet  buys  a  linen  girdle  and  carries 
it  to  the  Euphrates  and  hides  it  in  a  hole  of  the  rock. 
"After  many  days"  he  goes  back  for  the  girdle  and 
finds  it  rotten  and  worthless.  The  ruined  girdle  is 
made  the  symbol  of  the  fall  of  Judah's  pride,  the  fall 
due  to  the  failure  to  hear  Jahveh's  words.  If  the  pas- 
sage is  to  be  taken  literally,  Jeremiah  travelled  a 
thousand  miles  in  his  girdle  episode, — a  great  deal  of 
labor  for  the  purpose.  Some  scholars  have  avoided 
the  difficulty  by  supposing  that  Ephratah  in  Judah  is 
meant. 

C.  xxi,  i-io,  belongs  to  the  time  when  Jerusalem 
was  invested  by  Nebuchadrezzar.  The  king  sent 
Pashur  to  inquire  whether  Jeremiah  had  any  word 
from  Jahveh.  The  prophet  replies  that  Jahveh  Him- 
self is  behind  the  Babylonian  army,  and  that  the  state 
is  doomed.  The  only  possible  safety  lies  in  surrender 
to  the  enemy. 

C.  xxiii,  9-40,  is  a  denunciation  of  the  prophets  and 
priests,  who  were  largely  responsible  for  the  desper- 
ate state  of  affairs.  Jeremiah  declares  in  vigorous 
language  that  God  has  not  spoken  by  these  prophets, 
and  the  people  are  warned  not  to  listen  to  their  delu- 
sive messages.  These  prophets  speak  from  their  own 
base  minds,  or  take  words  from  each  other's  mouths, 
and  preface  such  utterances  with  the  solemn  phrase, 
"the  oracle  of  Jahveh."  These  speakers  were  prob- 


THE  PROPHETIC  LITERA  TURE  195 

ably  members  of  the  prophetic  guilds,  the  order  called 
"the  sons  of  the  prophets." 

C.  xxiv. — The  two  baskets  of  figs ;  another  symbolic 
prophecy.  The  basket  of  good  figs  represents  the 
Jews  carried  into  exile  in  597,  and  that  of  the  bad 
figs  those  who  were  left  in  Judah.  The  information 
is  that  Nebuchadrezzar  had  not  considered  the  latter 
class  worth  carrying  to  Babylon.  The  better  classes 
had  as  a  matter  of  fact  been  taken  captive  and  de- 
ported. 

Cc.  xxvii-xxix  belong  to  the  time  when  Zedekiah 
was  forming  an  alliance  with  other  Palestinian  states, 
the  object  of  which  was  to  throw  off  the  yoke  of 
Babylon  and  so  to  regain  independence.  The  prophet 
sent  ox-yokes  to  all  the  ambassadors,  and  wore  one 
upon  his  own  neck,  as  a  symbol  that  safety  lay  in 
submission  (xxvii,  i-ii).  A  special  message  is  given 
to  Zedekiah  urging  him  to  keep  faith  with  his  su- 
perior. Again  Jeremiah  insists  that  the  prophets  lie 
who  say  that  the  captured  temple  vessels  shall  soon 
be  restored,  whereas  the  fact  is  that  the  vessels  which 
still  remain  in  the  temple  will  follow  the  others  to 
Babylon. 

A  prophet  named  Hananiah  comes  out  boldly,  for 
he  is  confident  that  the  alliance  supported  by  Egypt 
will  triumph,  and  declares  that  Babylon's  yoke  will  be 
broken  and  the  vessels  and  prisoners  will  be  brought 
back  within  two  years.  Jeremiah's  reply  is  peculiar. 
He  says  that  history  shows  that  the  prophecies  of 
evil  are  those  which  have  been  fulfilled,  not  those  of 


196  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

good.  Thereupon  Hananiah  breaks  the  yoke  on  Jere- 
miah's neck,  and  uses  the  act  as  a  symbol  that  what 
he  had  said  would  come  to  pass.  The  next  day  Jere- 
miah returns  to  the  attack  with  the  declaration  that 
Jahveh  will  make  a  yoke  of  iron  in  place  of  the  yoke 
of  wood,  and  thai  Hananiah  shall  die  within  the  year, 
both  predictions  being  fulfilled  (c.  xxviii). 

In  c.  xxix  we  have  an  interesting  account  of  some 
correspondence  with  the  exiles.  News  of  the  plots 
had  leaked  out,  and  Zedekiah  must  send  an  embassy 
to  Babylon  to  assure  the  king  of  his  continued  loyalty. 
Jeremiah  uses  the  opportunity  to  send  a  letter  to  the 
exiles,  warning  them  that  the  captivity  would  be  long, 
and  urging  them  to  settle  down  and  look  after  their 
livelihood.  It  appears  that  there  were  prophets 
among  the  exiles  of  the  Hananiah  type,  a  conclusion 
supported  by  Ezekiel,  and  they  resent  Jeremiah's  in- 
terference, and  send  back  a  demand  to  Zephaniah,  a 
high  officer  of  the  temple,  that  Jeremiah  shall  be 
forcibly  restrained.  Jeremiah  was  bitterly  persecuted 
by  the  people  of  Judah,  and  they  were  encouraged  in 
their  wrong  by  some  of  the  exiles. 

Cc.  xxx-xxxiii  are  Jeremiah's  great  Messianic  utter- 
ances. They  belong  to  the  time  when  Jerusalem's 
fall  is  so  certain  and  so  imminent  (note  xxxii,  2; 
xxxiii,  i;  cf.  xxxvii,  21)  that  the  catastrophe  has  no 
more  interest  for  the  prophet,  and  he  turns  to  look 
for  a  brighter  day  in  the  future.  These  prophecies 
he  is  commanded  to  write,  that  there  may  be  a  record 
of  the  prediction  to  use  in  the  day  of  fulfilment. 


THE  PROPHETIC  LITERA  TURE  197 

It  appears  that  Israel,  as  well  as  Judah,  comes 
within  the  range  of  the  prophet's  bright  visions 
(xxx,  4).  The  distress  is  very  great  now;  the  wound 
has  been  inflicted  by  God,  and  hence  no  human  help 
will  avail;  but  God  Himself  is  aroused  against  the  na- 
tions by  which  Israel  has  been  chastised,  and  they 
shall  be  punished  for  their  insolence. 

There  will  be  a  new  nation  whose  note  will  be  unity. 
Rachel,  the  mother  of  Joseph  and  Benjamin,  and  so 
typical  of  the  whole  land,  is  bewailing  the  loss  of  her 
children;  but  she  shall  be  comforted,  for  the  land  shall 
be  sowed  with  the  seed  of  men  and  of  beasts.  The 
new  nation  will  be  a  godly  people,  and  it  will  not  be 
necessary  to  teach  them,  for  every  one  will  have  the 
law  of  God  written  upon  his  heart. 

In  c.  xxxii  there  is  the  story  of  Jeremiah's  forced 
purchase  of  a  piece  of  land.  Jeremiah  felt  that 
Jahveh  constrained  him  to  buy  the  land  according  to 
the  law  of  kinship,  but  as  the  estate  was  in  possession 
of  the  Babylonian  army  he  was  sore  puzzled  to  know 
why  he  must  part  with  good  money  for  apparently 
worthless  soil.  He  is  assured  that  Judean  land  will 
again  have  value,  for  the  people  will  return  and  live  in 
joy  and  peace.  This  theme  is  further  develped  in  c. 
xxxiii.  The  royal  house  will  be  reestablished  on  its  fall- 
ing throne.  The  people  are  reminded  that  God's  cove- 
nant is  as  trustworthy  as  the  laws  of  the  natural  world. 

C.  xxxiv  belongs  to  the  time  of  the  long  siege  of 
Jerusalem.  The  condition  is  indeed  desperate,  as 
practically  all  of  Judah  outside  of  the  city  was  in  the 


198  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

possession  of  the  Babylonians.  Under  this  pressure 
the  rich  men  were  induced  to  comply  with  the  law  and 
release  their  slaves  of  Hebrew  birth  (Deut.  xv,  12  ff.). 
Then,  at  last,  a  supporting  army  marches  from  Egypt. 
Nebuchadrezzar  is  too  good  a  general  to  await  an  at- 
tack in  his  siege  lines.  He  thereupon  raises  the  seige 
temporarily  and  goes  to  meet  and  defeat  the  force  from 
the  Nile.  The  people  believe  they  have  seen  the  last 
of  the  Babylonians,  and  regretting  their  weakness  in 
timidly  releasing  their  bondsmen,  promptly  force 
them  into  slavery  again.  The  prophet  roundly  de- 
nounces this  perfidy,  and  reiterates  his  predictions 
of  the  bondage  of  the  covenant  breakers. 

In  c.  xxxvii  we  are  in  the  same  period.  Zedekiah 
requests  the  prophet  to  pray  for  the  nation.  Jeremiah 
asserts  that  Nebuchadrezzar  will  return  and  capture 
Jerusalem.  The  prophet  takes  advantage  of  the  oppor- 
tunity afforded  by  the  raising  of  the  siege  to  go  to 
his  home  in  Anathoth  to  secure  fresh  supplies  for  the 
coming  siege.  He  is  arrested  as  he  is  about  to  pass 
through  the  gate  and  is  imprisoned.  It  appears  that 
the  defence  was  weakening  on  account  of  desertions. 
People  had  been  taking  Jeremiah's  advice  to  find 
safety  in  surrender.  Jeremiah  is  brought  to  the  king, 
but  can  only  confirm  his  former  declaration  of  the 
doom  of  the  city.  The  king  heeds  his  plea  not  to  be 
sent  back  to  the  dungeon  and  committed  him  to  the 
court  of  the  guard. 

From  c.  xxxviii  it  appears  that  Jeremiah  was  not 
silenced  by  chains  any  more  than  St.  Paul,  and  he 


THE  PROPHETIC  LITER  A  TURE  199 

continued  to  advise  the  people  to  desert.  At  the  de- 
mand of  the  angry  princes  the  prophet  is  cast  into  a 
miry  pit  and  left  there  to  die.  He  was  saved  from 
that  fate  by  an  Ethiopian  eunuch.  Zedekiah  has 
another  secret  conference  with  the  prophet  and  pledges 
him  to  deceive  the  princes  when  they  ask  him  about 
the  subject  of  the  conference. 

C.  xxxix  is  historial,  a  parallel  to  c.  Hi,  describing 
the  fall  of  Jerusalem,  the  capture  of  the  king,  the 
slaughter  of  his  sons,  the  putting  out  of  his  eyes  and 
the  deportation  to  Babylon.  Jeremiah  is  released  by 
order  of  the  conquering  king,  because  his  prophecies 
had  been  so  favorable  to  Babylon.  Promises  of  divine 
blessings  are  made  to  the  eunuch  who  had  rescued 
him  fom  death. 

In  c.  1  f.  there  is  a  long,cryptic  prophecy  against  Bab- 
ylon. The  occasion  is  described  in  c.  li,  59-64.  The 
prophecy  was  to  be  read,  and  then,  weighted  by  a 
stone,  was  to  be  cast  into  the  Euphrates  as  a  symbol. 
The  prophecy  does  not  appear  to  belong  to  Jeremiah, 
but  it  was  uttered  by  some  prophet  at  a  time  when  it 
would  be  perilous  to  be  known  as  the  author  of  such  a 
message,  and  so  pains  were  taken  to  insure  the  de- 
struction of  the  oracle  as  soon  as  it  had  been  read  to 
the  exiles. 

4.  After  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  (cc.  xl-xliv). — This 
section  is  important  for  the  history;  indeed,  it  is  the 
only  source  of  information  for  the  period.  From  these 
chapters  we  glean  some  knowledge  of  the  conditions 


200  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

in  Judah  after  586,  and  of  the  settlement  of  a  colony  of 
Jews  in  Egypt,  of  whom  we  hear  later  in  the  papyri 
from  Elephantine. 

Gedaliah  had  been  appointed  governor  of  Judah, 
for  naturally  only  a  small  part  of  the  nation  was  taken 
to  Babylonia.  The  new  government  was  established 
at  Mizpah,  a  place  lying  to  the  north  of  Jerusalem. 
The  people  who  had  been  in  hiding  during  the  Baby- 
lonian invasion  emerged  and  gathered  about  the  new 
governor.  Johanan,  one  of  the  military  officers  who 
had  escaped,  warned  Gedaliah  of  a  plot  against  his 
life.  The  Ammonites  were  ambitious  to  take  advan- 
tage of  Judah's  plight  to  extend  their  boundaries,  and 
they  urged  Ishmael  to  assault  the  governor  (c.  xl). 
Gedaliah  discredited  the  report,  and  took  no  precau- 
tionary measures.  Ishmael,  who  was  of  royal  blood 
and  felt  that  he  had  a  right  to  the  throne,  slew  Geda- 
liah, the  Jews  at  Mispah,  and  the  Babylonian  garri- 
son. Johanan  attacked  the  rebels  and  retook  the 
prisoners  held  by  Ishmael,  but  Ishmael  himself  es- 
caped (c.  xli). 

Johanan  now  consults  Jeremiah,  for  his  problem  is 
serious.  If  the  Jews  stay  in  Palestine  the  Babylonians 
would  probably  punish  them  for  Ishmael's  crimes. 
After  ten  days  delay  Jeremiah  uges  Johanan  to  stay 
in  Judah,  and  assures  him  that  he  will  not  be  molested. 
At  the  same  time  the  prophet  realizes  that  Johanan 
and  his  band  are  going  to  Egypt,  no  matter  what  the 
word  of  Jahveh  may  be  (c.  xlii).  And  so  they  did. 
They   declared   that   the  prophet,    who   had   always 


THE  PROP  HE  TIC  LITER  A  TURE  201 

shown  pro-Babylonian  proclivities,  spoke  falsely,  and 
the  whole  company  hastened  to  Egypt,  forcing  Jere- 
miah and  Baruch  to  accompany  them.  When  they 
arrived  by  the  Nile  Jeremiah  utters  another  predic- 
tion, that  Nebuchadrezzar  would  proceed  to  take  Egypt 
also,  and  thus  the  Jews  who  fled  for  safety  would  be 
involved  in  another  war  (c.  xliii). 

The  Jews  in  Egypt  fell  into  the  idolatrous  practices 
of  that  country,  and  when  Jeremiah  reproved  them 
they  declared  that  in  the  past  they  were  always  most 
prosperous  when  they  were  worshipping  a  variety  of 
gods.  The  prophet  concludes  his  book,  and,  so  far 
as  we  know,  his  career,  by  reiterating  a  solemn  warn- 
ing of  the  disaster  which  will  certainly  fall  upon  Egypt 
(c.  xliv).  The  prediction  was  fulfilled,  for  Nebuchad- 
rezzar took  Egypt  in  568  B.C. 

EZEKIEL 

We  know  very  little  about  this  prophet.  He  had 
been  carried  prisoner  to  Babylonia  in  the  deportation 
of  598,  while  still  a  young  man,  and  lived  all  the  rest 
of  his  life  among  the  exiles  by  the  river  Chebar,  re- 
cently identified  as  one  of  the  canals  of  Nippur,  where 
the  University  of  Pennsylvania  has  carried  on  its  exten- 
sive and  successful  excavations.  His  life  was  un- 
eventful under  these  circumstances,  and  there  probably 
was  little  to  tell.  He  was  a  priest  of  the  order  of 
Zadok.  At  first  he  prophesied  in  private,  but  soon 
won  a  reputation  and  was  sought  out  by  his  country- 
men.    It  has  been  supposed  by  some  that  he  was  an 


202  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

invalid,  and  so  incapable  of  great  activity.  The  period 
of  his  most  vigorous  work  was  the  six  years  preced- 
ing the  fall  of  Jerusalem  and  one  or  two  years  after- 
wards. His  work  continued  as  late  as  571,  so  that 
his  prophetic  career  extended  over  more  than  twenty 
years. 

This  book  contains  no  editorial  additions  from  later 
hands,  and  it  is  systematically  arranged  in  chronolog- 
ical order.  It  shows  the  fruit  of  literary  leisure  rather 
than  the  impromptu  efforts  of  the  earlier  prophets. 
It  is  full  of  stereotyped  forms.  There  is  much  use  of 
symbols,  the  figures  of  animals  showing  the  influence 
of  the  country  in  which  he  lived. 

If  we  take  up  the  study  of  Ezekiel  with  the  expec- 
tation of  learning  something  of  the  life  of  the  Jewish 
exiles  we  are  doomed  to  disappointment.  For  Ezekiel 
was  quite  detached  from  Babylonia  save  in  body.  He 
was  a  dreamer,  and  his  spirit  was  ever  in  the  land  of 
his  birth.  He  is  kept  well  informed  of  the  course  of 
events  in  Jerusalem,  and  his  interest  is  always  in  the 
fortunes  of  his  native  land. 

The  book  falls  into  three  main  discussions:  The  ap- 
proaching fall  of  Jerusalem  {^o,.  i-xxiv);  Oracles  against 
foreign  nations  (cc.  xxv-xxx\i)\  IsraeTs  fiiitire  resto- 
ration (cc.  xxxiii-xlviii). 

I.  Cc.  i-xi  contains  the  early  prophecies,  spoken 
while  Ezekiel  was  gaining  his  reputation,  about  594 
B.C.  The  call  of  the  prophet  is  very  elaborately  de- 
scribed  in    i,   i-iii,  21.     This  is  a  highly  symbolic 


THE  PROPHETIC  LITER  A  TURK  203 

picture,  the  imagery  being  intended  to  portray  the 
glory  of  God.  The  prophet  was  so  overwhelmed  with 
the  vision  of  glory  that  he  falls  prostrate  upon  the 
ground  (i,  28).  Then  the  message  comes  to  him, 
giving  a  premonition  of  the  opposition  that  he  will 
encounter.  He  is  presented  with  a  book-roll,  crowded 
with  writing  upon  the  subject  of  lamentations  and 
mourning  and  woe,  and  he  is  commanded  to  eat  the 
book  (as  the  symbol  of  his  inspiration).  After  seven 
days  of  silent  agitation  he  receives  further  instruc- 
tions from  God  to  the  effect  that  the  watchman  must 
warn  the  people  who  are  in  danger,  whether  they  will 
listen  or  not. 

The  prophet  was  living  a  life  of  quiet  seclusion,  but 
is  now  directed  to  engage  in  some  strange  symbolic 
acts  and  to  interpret  them,  showing  that  they  refer  to 
the  impending  fall  of  Jerusalem  and  the  destruction 
of  its  population  (iii,  22-vii).  First  he  dreams  a  pic- 
ture of  Jerusalem  in  a  state  of  siege;  he  lays  in  a  store 
of  provisions,  which  he  is  to  eat  sparingly  day  by  day. 
He  is  directed  to  lie  on  his  left  side  constantly  for 
390  days,  and  then  on  his  right  side  for  forty  days,  to 
signify  the  number  of  years  during  which  Israel  and 
Judah,  respectively,  will  endure  exile  (c.  iv).  Then  he 
is  directed  to  cut  his  hair  with  a  sharp  sword,  to  burn 
one-third,  to  smite  one-third  with  the  sword,  and  to 
scatter  one-third  to  the  winds,  symbolizing  the  de- 
struction of  the  people  by  pestilence,  by  the  sword 
and  by  captivity  (c.  v).  In  c.  vi  he  declares  that  pun- 
ishment will  fall  upon  the  mountains  of  Judah,  and  in 


204  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

c.  vii  upon  the  country.  The  prevalence  of  idolatry 
as  practised  in  Judah  is  clearly  shown. 

In  cc.  viii-xi  we  have  one  of  the  prophet's  remark- 
able visions.  A  year  has  elapsed  ;  people  have  heard 
of  him  ;  and  now  the  elders  gather  at  his  house  to  hear 
the  word  of  the  Lord.  The  prophet  falls  into  an  ec- 
static state,  in  which  he  sees  a  strange  figure  that 
takes  him  by  the  hair  and  carries  him  to  Jerusalem. 
These  are  the  sights  which  he  beholds  at  the  temple: 
(a)  By  the  gate  of  the  altar  was  "an  image  of  Jeal- 
ousy" (viii,  5),  probably  of  Astarte.  (b)  In  one  of 
the  temple  chambers  he  finds  the  walls  covered  with 
pictures  symbolizing  the  worship  of  Egypt,  and 
seventy  elders  of  Israel  were  indulging  in  secret 
worship  there  (viii,  7-13).  This  idolatry  was  due  to 
the  political  intrigues  by  which  Egyptian  help  against 
Babylon  was  sought,  (c)  At  the  northern  gate  of  the 
temple  women  were  engaged  in  the  licentious  worship 
of  Tammuz(viii,  14  f.).  (d)  In  the  inner  court  of  the 
temple  he  saw  twenty-five  men  with  their  backs  to- 
wards the  house  of  God  worshipping  the  sun  (viii, 
16-18). 

Then  he  sees  a  scribe-priest  who  is  sent  through 
the  city  to  mark  the  forehead  of  everyone  who  be- 
wails the  prevalent  idolatry.  After  them  comes  a 
company  of  men  armed  with  battle-axes,  who  are  or- 
dered to  slay  every  man,  woman  and  child  save  those 
whose  foreheads  were  marked  by  the  scribe  (c.  ix). 
In  c.  X  there  is  another  picture  of  the  glory  of  God, 
which  the  seer   identifies  with  his  inaugural  vision 


THE  PROPHETIC  LITERA  TURE  205 

(c.  i).  The  significant  thing  is  Jahveh's  preparation 
to  abandon  the  temple  to  its  fate.  In  c.  xi  the  prophet 
learns  that  the  hope  of  the  future  lies  in  the  exiles, 
for  all  those  now  in  Judah  will  be  destroyed.  At  the 
close  the  glory  of  God,  with  the  cherubim  from 
the  temple,  leaves  the  city  and  encamps  upon  a  moun- 
tain to  watch  the  doom  of  the  temple  now  deserted 
of  the  person  of  Jahveh. 

The  prophet  awakes  and  relates  his  vision  to  the 
elders  who  had  come  to  consult  him.  The  object  is 
to  impress  upon  the  exiles  the  certainty  of  Jerusa- 
lem's fall,  so  that  they  shall  not  be  led  astray  by  false 
hopes  of  a  return,  but  shall  rather  settle  down  and 
address  themselves  to  the  problem  of  getting  sub- 
sistence. 

2.  Prophecies  due  to  bad  news  from  Jef'iisalem  (cc. 
xii-xxx). — Ezekiel  is  commanded  to  move  his  goods 
by  a  hole  in  the  side  of  the  house  and  at  night,  as  a 
symbol  of  the  coming  exile  of  King  Zedekiah  and  the 
people.  He  eats  his  scant  food  with  trembling,  to 
show  how  Israel  will  quake  with  the  terror  of  the 
time.  He  declares  that  the  people  will  no  longer 
distrust  the  prophets  because  their  predictions  are 
unfulfilled  (c.  xii).  The  prophets  in  Jerusalem  mis- 
lead the  people,  because  they  proclaim  their  own 
ideas,  and  therefore  the  seers  will  perish  with  the 
collapse  of  the  structure  they  have  built.  Women 
were  as  bad  as  men  in  speaking  messages  other  than 
what  Jahveh  would  give  them  (c.  xiii).    The  elders 


206  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

consult  Ezekiel,  but  are  reproved ;  for  Jahveh  will  not 
be  inquired  of  by  those  who  do  wrong.  The  presence 
of  a  few  saints  will  not  serve  to  save  the  city;  the 
righteous  will  save  only  themselves  in  the  destruction 
that  is  about  to  fall  upon  Jerusalem  (c.  xiv).  Israel  is 
compared  to  a  vine,  which  is  only  fit  to  burn,  because 
the  wood  is  worthless  (c.  xv). 

Israel  is  a  half-breed,  for  its  father  was  an  Amorite 
and  its  mother  a  Hittite.  Jahveh  pitied  the  neg- 
lected foundling  and  bestowed  tender  care  upon  it. 
But  the  child  grew  up  only  to  become  an  adulteress, 
consorting  with  every  false  god.  Punishment  is 
richly  deserved,  for  Judah  is  worse  than  Sodom,  or 
than  Samaria — contrary  to  the  view  of  the  compiler  of 
the  book  of  Kings.  God's  love  is  not  quenched,  and 
he  will  restore  Judah,  but  not  till  after  the  restora- 
tion of  Sodom  and  Samaria  (c.  xvi).  The  prophet 
sets  forth  an  allegory  (c.  xvii).  The  first  eagle  (v.  3) 
is  Nebuchadrezzar,  the  second  (v.  7)  is  Pharoah- 
hophra.  The  first  thing  plucked  by  the  first  eagle 
(v.  4)  is  Zedekiah,  and  the  second  thing  plucked  off 
by  Jahveh  (v.  22)  is  the  Messianic  prince  of  the  house 
of  David.  The  present  government  in  Judah  shall 
fall,  but  a  new  one  will  be  raised  up  in  its  place. 

In  c.  xviii  the  prophet  gives  a  theological  disserta- 
tion on  the  theme,  "The  fathers  have  eaten  sour 
grapes,  and  the  children's  teeth  are  set  on  edge,'* 
with  which  may  be  compared  the  declaration  in  the 
Decalogue  that  the  sins  of  the  parents  shall  be  visited 
upon  the  children.     Ezekiel  takes  a  strongly  individ- 


THE  PROPHETIC  LITERA  TURE  207 

ualistic  position,  that  in  the  future  every  man  shall 
suffer  only  the  consequences  of  his  own  sins  {cf.  Jer. 
xxxi,  29  f.).  There  follows  (c.  xix)  a  lamentation  over 
the  princes  of  Israel,  in  which  the  satire  is  plain. 
The  first  whelp  which  the  lioness  set  up  as  king  is 
Jehoahaz,  who  became  a  prey  to  the  power  of  Egypt. 
Then  the  lioness  puts  another  of  her  whelps  (Jehoia- 
chin)  upon  the  throne,  and  he  made  a  brief  parade  of  his 
power.  But  the  nations  spread  the  net  for  him,  and 
now  he  is  a  prisoner  in  Babylon. 

In  c.  XX  we  reach  the  fourth  year  before  the  fall  of 
Jerusalem,  a  period  shortly  before  the  siege  began. 
The  passage  is  a  long  review  of  Israel's  history  to 
demonstrate  their  faithlessness  to  their  God.  Jahveh 
had  brought  Israel  from  Egypt,  and  had  taught  them 
the  things  they  should  do  in  order  that  they  might 
live;  but  at  every  stage  of  their  history  they  had  dis- 
regarded the  divine  commands.  There  is  a  picture  of 
a  new  day  when  a  pure  remnant  will  be  redeemed 
from  bondage.  The  chapter  closes  with  an  address  to 
the  forest  of  the  south,  in  which  Jahveh  would  kindle 
a  destroying  fire. 

3.  Prophecies  delive^^ed  during  the  early  days  of 
Nebuchadrezzar  s  campaign  agai^ist  Jerusalem  (cc. 
xxi-xxiv). — Jahveh  stands  against  the  land  of  Israel 
and  will  destroy  the  righteous  and  the  wicked  to- 
gether. The  prophet  explains  his  sighing  as  due  to 
the  bad  news  which  comes  from  Judah.  He  sings  a 
sword-song  to  indicate  the  destructive  work  of  the 


208  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

Babylonian  arms.  Nebuchadrezzar  is  represented  as 
cboosing  bis  march,  being  undecided  whether  first  to 
proceed  against  Ammon  or  against  Judab,  by  divin- 
ing with  the  teraphim,  the  liver  and  the  arrows,  and 
the  oracle  names  Judab  as  the  first  point  of  attack. 
Yet  the  prophet  declares  that  Ammon's  turn  will  come 
in  due  season  (c.  xxi).  Judab  is  ripe  for  judgment, 
for  her  guilt  is  universal.  Jahveh  searched  in  vain 
for  a  righteous  man  for  whose  sake  the  city  might  be 
spared  ;  but  He  finds  that  the  prophets,  the  priests,  the 
princes  and  the  people  are  alike  steeped  in  vice 
(c.  xxii).  As  Ezekiel  perceives  that  the  crushing 
blow  is  about  to  fall  be  is  assured  that  the  calamity 
is  not  due  to  any  lack  of  power  in  Jahveh,  but  to  sins 
of  the  people.  As  in  the  days  of  Noah,  purification 
can  come  only  through  destruction. 

In  c.  xxiii  there  is  an  allegory  of  the  rise,  progress 
and  punishment  of  Israel's  idolatry.  Samaria  and 
Jerusalem  were  sister  harlots.  Samaria  long  ago 
practised  crime  with  Assyria,  and  her  lover  has  de- 
stroyed her.  Judab  was  not  warned  by  her  sister's 
fate,  and  has  surpassed  her  lewdness,  committing 
sin  with  Assyria,  Babylonia  (Cbaldea),  and  Egypt, 
and  now  she  shall  share  her  sister's  doom. 

C.  xxiv  is  dated  by  Davidson  January,  587.  The 
prophet  announces  the  beginning  of  the  siege  of  Jeru- 
salem under  the  symbol  of  the  pot,  which  cannot  be 
purified  by  boiling.  Ezekiel's  wife  dies,  and  he  is 
forbidden  to  show  any  of  the  conventional  signs  of 
mourning.     When  the  people  express  amazement  at 


THE  PROP  HE  TIC  LITER  A  TURE  209 

his  strange  proceedings  the  prophet  interprets  his 
course  as  a  symbol  of  the  condition  of  the  nation, 
whose  affliction  would  be  so  great  that  mourning  will 
be  out  of  the  question.  The  prophet  was  struck  dumb 
by  the  heavy  blow,  but  is  assured  that  speech  shall 
return  to  him  in  the  day  when  a  new  message  is  re- 
quired {cf.  xxxiii,  22). 

2.  Oracles  against  the  natiofis  (cc.  xxv-xxxii). — 
Prophecies  are  delivered  against  seven  nations;  Am- 
mon  (xxv,  1-7),  Moab  {ib.  8-1 1),  Edom  {ib.  12-14), 
Philistia  {ib.  15-17),  Tyre  (xxvi-xxviii,  19),  Sidon 
(xxviii,  20-24),  Egypt  (xxix-xxxii).  These  nations 
are  taken  up  in  geographical  order.  Most  of  the  or- 
acles are  brief,  but  there  are  two  long  ones  against 
Tyre,  probably  because  it  was  so  powerful  that  its 
overthrow  seemed  improbable,  and  against  Egypt, 
because  it  had  fostered  rebellion  in  Judah,  and  had 
thus  contributed  to  her  overthrow.  The  oracles  de- 
scribe the  downfall  of  all  of  the  powers,  and  declare 
that  the  cause  is  the  same  which  undermined  Judah's 
strength,  i.e.  the  universal  wickedness.  The  sin  of  the 
nations  is  different  from  that  which  Amos  pictures  as 
the  cause  of  their  doom,  for  in  Ezekiel  their  hostility 
towards  Judah  is  reckoned  among  their  vices.  These 
prophecies  were  delivered  during  and  shortly  after  the 
siege  of  Jerusalem,  a  time  when  the  prophet  is  silent 
about  his  own  country.  At  the  time  of  the  awful 
calamity  he  finds  no  words  to  express  his  feelings. 
Ezekiel  was  a  true  patriot,  and  he  suffered  with  the 
woes  of  his  native  land. 

15 


210  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

3.  IsraeV s  future  restoration  (xxxiii-xlviii). — This 
large  section  of  his  book  contains  Ezekiel's  dreams  of 
the  future  of  his  country.  In  the  early  prophecies  he 
had  been  concerned  to  show  that  God  really  would 
effect  Judah's  overthrow  and  to  justify  the  divine 
course.  His  problem  is  different  now,  for  his  ener- 
gies are  devoted  to  the  saving  of  Israel's  faith.  The  fall 
of  the  city,  and  especially  the  destruction  of  the  tem- 
ple, made  many  Jews  feel  that  there  was  some  justifi- 
cation for  the  Babylonian  boast  of  the  superiority  of 
their  gods.  Ezekiel  must  stand  against  this  danger 
and  convince  his  people  that  Jahveh  would  heal,  even 
as  he  had  wounded.  Just  because  sin  had  brought 
disaster,  virtue  might  take  it  away.  This  section 
may  be  devided  into  three  parts. 

a.  The  condition  of  future  prosperity  (cc.  xxxiii- 
xxxvi). — The  first  requirement  for  bringing  about  the 
new  era  is  a  genuine  prophet.  The  watchman  who 
fails  to  warn  the  people  when  danger  comes  will  be 
held  responsible  for  the  damage  that  results  (c. 
xxxiii).  The  occasion  of  this  prophecy  is  the  cry  of 
the  people  that  God  was  unjust  (vv.  17-20).  The  date 
is  plainly  indicated  as  the  day  on  which  a  messenger 
arrived  among  the  exiles  with  the  tidings  that  Jerusa- 
lem had  fallen.  The  prophet's  dumbness  is  relieved, 
and  as  he  had  now  the  confirmation  of  the  predictions 
uttered  years  before,  he  gains  rapidly  in  popularity. 
The  next  requirement  for  a  new  era  is  a  true  shepherd 
(c.  xxxiv).  The  shepherds  had  fed  themselves  and 
not  the  flock.     God  will  care  for  His  sheep  and  bring 


THE  PROPHETIC  LITER  A  TURE  211 

them  back  to  their  native  pasture.  The  faithless 
shepherds  will  be  replaced  by  a  David,  who  will  guard 
the  flock. 

In  cc.  xxxv-xxxvi  Ezekiel  speaks  of  the  land  of  Ju- 
dah.  Edom  had  taken  part  possession  of  Judah  and  was 
ambitious  to  gain  control  of  the  whole  country.  The 
prophet  declares  that  their  purpose  will  be  thwarted, 
and  Jahveh  will  desolate  the  whole  land  of  Edom. 
The  holy  land  has  been  desecrated  by  the  foot  of 
hostile  peoples,  who,  like  Edom,  had  striven  to  extend 
their  borders  at  the  expense  of  enfeebled  Judah ;  but 
now  Jahveh  would  hurl  them  back  and  they  would  bear 
their  own  shame.  Mercy  would  be  shown  to  Israel  for 
the  sake  of  God's  name.  There  will  be  a  deep  repen- 
tance and  a  thorough  cleansing,  after  which  spiritual, 
as  well  as  material,  blessings  will  fall  from  heaven. 

b.  Progress  towards  the  new  era  (cc.  xxxvii-xxxix). — 
In  c.  xxxvii  we  have  first  the  picture  of  the  resurrec- 
tion of  the  nation  (vv.  1-14),  occasioned  by  the  de- 
spondent cry,  *'our  bones  are  dried  up,  and  our  hope 
is  lost"  (v.  11).  The  prophet  sees  a  vision  in  which 
the  scattered  bones  come  together,  flesh  grows  upon 
them,  and  the  wind  blows  breath  into  the  re-made 
bodies.  Secondly,  there  is  the  symbol  of  the  two 
sticks  (vv.  15-28),  by  which  Ezekiel  expresses  his  hope 
of  a  reunion  of  Israel  and  Judah  under  a  Davidic 
king,  and  their  welding  into  a  holy  nation,  which  shall 
dwell  forever  in  the  land  God  had  given  them. 

Jahveh's  final  triumph  over  the  heathen  world  is 
represented   in  the  symbolic  overthrow  of  Gog  (cc. 


212  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

xxxviii,  xxxix).  Gog  is  the  leader  of  a  vast  invasion 
into  the  land  of  restored  Israel.  The  Jews  are  repre- 
sented as  living  securely  in  unprotected  villages,  and 
the  great  wealth  they  have  accumulated  has  excited 
the  cupidity  of  the  barbarians.  These  Scythians — 
for  such  they  are — are  introduced  so  that  God's  power 
may  be  shown.  The  earth  will  shake,  and  a  sword  will 
be  loosed  against  them.  The  mountains  and  valleys 
will  be  filled  with  the  slain.  The  handles  of  their 
weapons  will  serve  the  people  as  firewood  for  seven 
years.  The  birds  of  prey  will  be  invited  to  the  great 
sacrifice. 

c.  The  constitution  of  the  restored  state  (cc.  xl- 
xlviii). — These  chapters  are  somewhat  difficult  to  in- 
terpret. Their  purpose  is  to  revive  the  hopes  of 
Israel.  It  is  hard  to  say  whether  every  detail  has  a 
definite  meaning,  or  whether  the  prophet  gives  free 
reign  to  his  fancy.  Such  a  vast  amount  of  land  is  al- 
lotted to  the  priests  that  there  could  not  be  very  much 
left  for  the  laity,  at  all  events  if  we  took  the  prophet 
literally.  The  date  is  specifically  indicated,  572  b.c. 
(c.  xl,  2).  So  that  Ezekiel's  mission  reaches  almost  to 
the  beginning  of  the  great  prophet  of  the  exile,  the 
deutero-Isaiah. 

Four  chapters  (xl-xliii)are  devoted  to  a  description 
of  the  new  temple,  for  which  Ezekiel  prepares  plans 
like  an  architect.  When  the  splendid  edifice  is  com- 
pleted the  prophet  sees  Jahveh  return  to  the  new 
temple,  even  as  he  had  seen  him  depart  from  the  old 
(c.  xliii,  2-4;  cf.  xi,  23).    Then  three  chapters  (xliv- 


THE  PROPHETIC  LITER  A  TURE  213 

xlvi)  are  devoted  to  the  temple  regulations.  The 
Levites  are  to  perform  the  menial  offices  at  the  tem- 
ple, and  only  priests  of  the  line  of  Zadok  shall  officiate 
in  the  higher  functions,  and  their  duties  are  minutely 
prescribed.  Land  is  assigned  for  the  support  of  the 
priests,  of  the  Levites  and  of  the  prince.  Regulations 
are  made  for  the  various  feasts  and  for  the  offerings 
to  be  made  at  them. 

From  the  new  temple  a  stream  would  issue  which 
would  fertilize  all  the  barren  land,  and  freshen  the 
waters  of  the  Dead  Sea.  The  holy  land  is  definitely 
bounded:  on  the  east  the  Jordan  is  the  limit,  and  on 
the  west  the  Mediterranean.  Israel  will  not  again  in- 
clude any  of  the  land  across  the  Jordan,  as  in  the  olden 
days.  Finally,  in  c.  xlviii,  the  twelve  tribes  are  as- 
signed to  their  various  portions.  The  temple  will  be 
approximately  the  centre,  and  seven  tribes  will  lie  to 
the  north  and  five  to  the  south.  The  temple  was  sur- 
rounded by  a  great  square,  and  on  each  side  there 
were  to  be  three  gates,  so  that  there  shall  be  a  sepa- 
rate gate  named  after  each  tribe.  As  a  sign  of  the 
permanent  presence  of  their  God,  the  city  is  to  be 
re-named /^^^z/^^-j-^^^^w^-^.—^Jahveh  is  there." 

The  Minor  Prophets 

For  convenience  of  study  in  their  proper  sequence, 
the  books  are  treated,  so  far  as  possible,  in  their  chro- 
nological order.  It  is  a  mistake  for  the  student  to 
read  Hosea  before  Amos,  for  it  is  important  to  follow 
the  line  of  historical  development  in  Hebrew  proph- 


214  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

ecy.  The  dates  cannot  always  be  determined  posi- 
tively, but  the  order  followed  is  approximately  cor- 
rect. It  would,  of  course,  be  better  to  study  all  the 
prophets,  major  and  minor,  in  their  historical  order, 
but  it  seemed  necessary  to  cover  each  book  completely 
in  one  place,  and  the  book  of  Isaiah  extends  through 
so  many  centuries  that  some  departure  from  the  plan 
would  be  inevitable. 

Amos 

Amos  has  the  distinction  of  being  the  first  of  the 
so-called  writing  prophets;  that  is,  his  messages  have 
come  down  to  us  from  his  own  hand  or  from  the  hand 
of  a  disciple.  It  is  true  that  there  are  records  of  the 
sayings  of  earlier  prophets, — of  Samuel,  Nathan, 
Elijah,  Elisha,  Micaiah  and  others;  but  in  those 
cases  the  messages  are  casual  and  introduced  as  part 
of  a  historic  narrative.  In  Amos  we  find  a  collection 
of  his  prophecies  and  nothing  else,  save  editorial  notes 
and  one  brief  but  precious  biographical  sketch. 

The  date  of  Amos  fortunately  can  be  definitely 
fixed  within  close  limits,  and  in  this  we  have  one 
point  on  which  all  critics  are  agreed.  The  first  verse 
is  really  a  title  page  naming  the  author,  his  occupa- 
tion, the  subject  and  the  date.  For  the  date  we 
have  a  triple  control,  since  there  are  named  the  con- 
temporary kings  of  Israel  and  of  Judah,  and  an  earth- 
quake. Jeroboam  II,  the  king  of  Israel,  reigned 
790-749  B.C.,  and  Uzziah,  the  king  of  Judah,  782-740 
B.C.;  at  least  these  years  are  approximately  correct. 


THE  PROPHETIC  LIT  ERA  TURK  215 

The  period  when  both  kings  were  on  the  throne  was 
782-749,  and  Amos  may  have  prophesied  anywhere  in 
that  period.  Most  scholars  assign  him  to  the  latter 
part  of  the  period,  and  we  may  fix  his  date  as  shortly 
before  750  b.c,  preceding  Isaiah,  therefore,  by  about 
ten  years.  The  reign  of  Jeroboam  II  is  certain  from 
the  reference  in  vii,  9-1 1,  and  there  is  nothing  in  the 
book  inconsistent  with  that  period. 

The  third  control  is  the  phrase,  ''two  years  before 
the  earthquake" ;  but  this  does  not  help  us  much,  be- 
cause we  do  not  know  when  the  earthquake  occurred. 
There  is  a  reference  to  an  earthquake  in  the  reign  of 
Uzziah  (Zech.  xiv,  5),  which  made  such  an  impres- 
sion that  it  was  still  talked  about  some  centuries  later. 
As  that  is  probably  the  earthquake  referred  to  in  the 
heading,  this  note  fixes  the  date  of  Amos  in  the  reign 
of  Uzziah,  and  thus  we  have  ample  proof  of  the  cor- 
rectness of  the  title-page.^  There  is  another  point  in 
the  reference  to  the  earthquake,  the  significance  of 
which  is  usually  overlooked.    Since  the  date  of  Amos 


^  Mitchell  thinks  the  passage  a  gloss  in  Zechariah,  but  holds 
that  none  the  less  it  is  the  earthquake  referred  to  in  Amos  i,  i 
(////.  Crit.  Co?mn.  in  loc.) .  Josephus  says  the  earthquake  came  at 
the  time  Uzziah  offered  incense  upon  the  altar  in  the  temple 
against  the  protests  of  the  high  priest  (2  Chr.  xxvi,  i6ff.),and  that 
a  great  rent  was  made  in  the  temple  by  the  shock  (Ant.  IX,  x,  4) . 
This  belongs  to  the  end  of  Uzziah's  reign,  and  suggests  a  date 
close  to  750.  The  date  of  Zech.  ix-xiv  is  much  disputed,  and  if 
xiv,  5,  is  a  gloss  the  reference  to  the  earthquake  may  be  very 
late.  It  suffices  for  our  purpose  that  it  was  long  after  the  days 
of  Amos. 


216  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

is  given  as  two  years  before  this  catastrophe,  it  is  evi- 
dent that  this  heading  was  written  at  least  two  years 
later  than  the  day  Amos  spoke  at  Bethel,  and  it  may 
have  been  long  after  that  time.  If  the  prophecies 
were  written  at  once,  as  we  may  firmly  assume,  the 
heading  was  added  subsequently. 

From  misunderstanding  a  passage  in  Jerome,  it 
was  held  for  fourteen  centuries  that  there  was  a 
marked  note  of  rusticity  in  the  language  of  Amos.  As 
a  matter  of  fact,  the  language  is  classic  and  the  style 
is  not  easily  surpassed. 

The  book  of  Amos  has  come  down  to  us  in  a  singu- 
larly pure  form,  so  far  as  the  unity  of  authorship  goes. 
There  are  but  four  brief  passages  that  need  be  seri- 
ously questioned.  There  are  many  obscurities  due 
to  textual  corruption,  but  practically  the  whole  book 
comes  from  the  hand  of  Amos.  Of  the  passages 
which  are  most  open  to  doubt,  three  are  in  the  ad- 
dress against  the  nations:  i,  gf.,  is  rejected  because 
it  is  fragmentary  and  is  so  completely  parallel  with 
vv.  6-8  preceding;  i,  iif.,  is  questioned  because  the 
strophe  is  incomplete,  and  the  bitterness  against  Edom 
belongs  to  a  later  period,  viz.  the  exile;  ii,  4f.,  is 
deemed  spurious  because  Amos  was  not  concerned 
with  Judah,  nor  with  the  observance  of  the  law,  the 
language  is  very  formal,  and  the  phrases  are  Deuter- 
onomic;  ix,  8-15,  is  rejected  for  many  reasons  (see 
the  summary  in  Harper,  Int.  Crit.  Comm.,  pp.  195  f.), 
among  which  we  may  note  the  plain  indications  of 
the  exilic  period  in  vv.  11,  14. 


THE  PROP  HE  TIC  LITER  A  TURE  2 1 7 

The  brief  biographical  note  in  vii,  10-17,  enables  us 
to  draw  quite  a  picture  of  the  personality  of  this  seer. 
He  emphasizes  the  fact  that  he  does  not  belong  to 
the  professional  order  of  prophets  (v.  14);  that  is,  he 
was  not  prophesying,  as  the  priest  Amaziah  assumed, 
because  he  was  paid  for  it.  On  the  contrary,  he 
names  his  business  as  that  of  a  herdman  and  ^'dresser 
of  sycamore  trees,"  decidedly  a  humble  occupation. 
His  home  was  the  small  hamlet  of  Tekoa,  some  twelve 
miles  south  of  Jerusalem,  on  the  border  of  the  Judean 
wilderness. 

Therefore  Amos  came  to  Bethel  practically  as  a 
foreigner.  But  he  felt  that  Jahveh  had  called  him  to 
go  to  Israel  to  point  out  the  dangers  to  which  their 
sins  exposed  them,  and  because  Jahveh  had  spoken 
he  could  not  help  abandoning  his  flock,  as  the  dis- 
ciples did  their  boats,  and  carrying  God's  message  to 
the  people  living  in  darkness  (iii,  8).  And  Amos 
would  brook  no  interference  in  delivering  his  message. 
Amaziah  the  priest  was  sure  to  be  goaded  to  frenzy 
by  some  of  the  herdman's  utterances,  especially  v,  21- 
27.  But  he  was  shrewd  enough  not  to  fix  on  an  eccle- 
siastical offence,  but  to  wait  for  one  that  was  political, 
even  as  the  enemies  of  our  Lord  did.  He  did  not 
have  to  wait  long,  for  in  the  course  of  his  visions  the 
prophet  cries  in  the  name  of  Jahveh:  "I  will  rise 
against  the  house  of  Jeroboam  with  the  sword"  (vii,  9). 
The  priest  sees  his  opportunity  now,  and  is  quick  to 
act.  First,  he  sends  a  report  to  the  king,  charging 
Amos  with  the  crime  of  lese-majeste,  always  a  griev- 


218  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

ous  offense  in  an  absolute  monarchy,  like  contempt 
of  court  in  judicial  procedure.  Second,  he  orders  the 
seer  to  get  him  back  to  Judah,  and  to  prophesy  no 
longer  at  a  royal  sanctuary  in  Israel.  Truly  it  is  no 
exaggeration  of  George  Adam  Smith  when  he  calls 
this  "one  of  the  great  scenes  in  history"  {^Twelve 
Prophets,  I,  p.  115). 

In  reply  Amos  gives  his  brief  apologia,  and  then 
turns  upon  his  opponent  and  predicts  for  him  the 
most  extreme  calamities,  and  reiterates  in  a  word  all 
that  he  has  said  about  the  punishment  that  would  be- 
fall the  nation,  **  Israel  shall  surely  be  led  away  cap- 
tive out  of  his  land"  (v.  17);^  and  then  he  quietly 
resumes  his  series  of  visions.  A  true  prophet  of  God 
is  easily  persecuted,  but  he  can  only  be  silenced  by 
imprisonment  or  death.  What  became  of  this  great 
soul  we  do  not  know.  All  that  he  says  after  Ama- 
ziah's  interruption,  so  far  as  our  records  go,  would 
scarcely  have  occupied  five  minutes.  It  is  possible 
that  having  delivered  the  message  Jahveh  committed 
to  him,  he  quietly  returned  to  his  home  in  Tekoa, 
and  again  gave  himself  to  the  care  of  his  herd.  It  is 
possible  that  the  quick  termination  of  his  prophetic 
career  was  due  to  violence,  before  which  his  great 
spirit  was  helpless. 

It  is  always  a  great  help  to  the  understanding  of  a 
true  prophet  to  know  something  of  the  conditions 


*A  Messianic  prophecy  like  ix,  8-15,  however  beautiful  in  it- 
self, fits  in  badly  after  a  scene  like  this.  The  passage  is  much 
later  than  Amos. 


THE  PROP  HE  TIC  LITER  A  TURE  219 

which  he  faced;  for  a  great  seer  is  always  preemi- 
nently a  man  of  his  age;  he  is  of  to-day,  not  of  yester- 
day; he  is  one  that  can  discern  the  signs  of  the  times 
(Mat.  xvi,  3).  It  is  especially  important  to  read  Amos 
with  a  clear  perception  of  the  historic  background. 

Jeroboam  II  was  the  great  grandson  of  Jehu,  who 
had  reached  the  throne  of  Israel  by  a  bloody  revolu- 
tion. Jehu  had  maintained  his  place  by  paying 
tribute  to  Shalmanezer,  the  king  of  Assyria.  During 
the  century  Israel  had  waged  wars  with  Syria  and 
Judah,  but  in  the  forty-one  years  of  Jeroboam's  reign 
there  were  no  important  wars.  Judah  had  been 
soundly  beaten  by  Jehoash,  and  Syria  had  been  so 
hard  pressed  by  the  Assyrians  that  she  was  unable  to 
molest  her  western  neighbor.  Israel  therefore  had  a 
fine  opportunity  for  internal  development. 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  people  of  the  north  failed  to 
grasp  the  chance.  They  were  living  in  a  fool's  para- 
dise of  imagined  security.  It  was  an  era  of  great 
prosperity;  wealth  was  rapidly  accumulated;  but 
there  was  a  vast  deal  of  luxury  and  vice,  a  poor  prep- 
aration for  the  inevitable  storm  that  was  brewing. 
Amos  perceived  that  the  Assyrians  would  soon  ab- 
sorb Syria,  and  that  Israel  would  be  the  next  point  of 
attack.  Because  he  saw  that  condition  God  selected 
him  to  try  to  rouse  Israel  from  their  fatal  ease. 

The  prophecies  begin  with  the  messages  against  the 
four  neighboring  nations  (i,  3-ii,  3),'  and  that  is  fol- 


Mgnoring  the   passages  which  are  deemed  later  additions 
{cf.  p.  216),  and  i,  2,  which  is  a  gloss  from  Joel  iii,  16. 


220  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

lowed  by  a  forecast  of  Israel's  punishment  on  the  same 
grounds  as  that  which  is  about  to  bring  God's  wrath 
upon  the  heathen  (ii,  6-16).  The  offence  in  every 
case  is  an  ethical  one,  and  the  details  show  how  far 
Amos  was  ahead  of  his  times.  Cc.  iii,  iv  may  be 
grouped  together,  for  their  message  is  destruction; 
the  prophet  justifies  his  mission  (iii,  1-8),  and  calls 
upon  foreign  nations  to  bear  witness  against  Israel 
(iii,  9-15);  he  denounces  the  pleasure-loving  women 
of  Samaria  (iv,  1-3);  he  recites  the  many  efforts  God 
had  made  to  wake  the  people  up  by  punishment  (iv, 
4-13).  In  cc.  V,  vi  we  find  a  dirge  over  Israel,  con- 
ceived as  already  fallen,  a  common  method  of  the 
prophets  to  impress  their  hearers  with  the  certainty 
of  the  impending  doom.  There  we  find  the  earliest 
case  of  the  personification,  which  later  becomes  so 
common,  "The  virgin  of  Israel  is  fallen."  In  this 
section  Amos  assails  the  sacrificial  system,  which  ap- 
parently was  all  the  religion  there  was  in  Israel  at  the 
time  (v,  21-27).  Amos  regards  the  leaders  as  chiefly 
responsible  for  the  bad  condition  (vi,  1-6);  but  in- 
sists that  none  will  escape  when  the  Assyrians  invade 
the  land  (vi,  7-14).  Cc.  vii,  i-ix,  7  (omitting  vii, 
10-17,  already  discussed)  picture  a  series  of  visions, 
all  pointing  to  calamities  coming  upon  the  nation, 
and  from  some  of  which  Israel  is  delivered  by  the 
prophet's  intercession  (ii,  ix;  note  vii,  2-5).  We 
see,  then,  that  after  Amaziah's  interruption  there  is 
no  further  intercession,  but  the  doom  is  predicted 
without  any  qualification. 


THE  PROPHETIC  LITERA  TURE  221 

The  teaching  of  Amos  is  positive  and  thoroughly 
consistent.  The  burden  of  his  message  from  begin- 
ning to  end  is  punishment.  The  purpose  of  divine 
punishment  is  correction,  not  vengeance.  The  wrongs 
of  Israel  lie  wholly  in  the  realm  of  morals.  Amos  is 
emphatic  in  denouncing  ceremonial  religion  as  worse 
than  worthless,  for  it  is  actually  offensive  to  God. 
Yet  a  moral  life  requires  close  relation  to  God ;  note 
**Seek  Yahweh,  and  ye  shall  live"  (v,  6).  Finally, 
Amos  insists  that  God  deals  with  Israel  and  with 
other  nations  in  exactly  the  same  way  (i,  3-ii,  16; 
ix,  7). 

Hosea 

The  date  is  correctly  given  in  the  heading.  Hosea 
began  to  prophesy  before  740  B.C.  and  continued,  ap- 
parently, till  the  fall  of  Samaria,  722  B.C.,  and  was 
therefore  contemporary  with  Isaiah.  He  was  a  native 
of  the  Northern  Kingdom,  and  so  spoke  to  his  own 
people.  His  book  is  full  of  obscurities  and  difficul- 
ties, the  Hebrew  being  among  the  hardest  in  the  Old 
Testament.  Yet  we  can  make  out  fairly  well  the 
great  points  in  his  teaching. 

The  history  of  the  period  throws  an  important  light 
on  these  prophecies.  Like  Jeremiah,  Hosea  was 
called  upon  to  stand  helplessly  by  while  his  nation 
went  down  to  irretrievable  ruin.  When  the  prophet 
first  spoke  Israel  was  a  prosperous  and  powerful  peo- 
ple; but  in  less  than  a  score  of  years  the  Northern 
Kingdom  was    wiped  off  the  map.     There  were  six 


THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


kings  in  Samaria  after  Jeroboam  II,  but  four  of  these 
were  murdered  by  revolutionists,  and  another  died  in 
exile.  The  average  reign  was  three  years.  Mena- 
hem  took  awful  revenge  on  those  who  stood  out 
against  his  usurpation  (2  Ki.  xv,  16),  and  he  drained 
the  resources  of  the  nation  further  to  pay  the  heavy 
tribute  demanded  by  the  Assyrian  king  (ib.  vv.  ig  f.). 

There  were  three  parties  contending  for  supremacy, 
one  leaning  upon  Assyria,  another  on  Egypt,  and  a 
third  advocating  independence.  Pekah,  about  735 
B.C.,  joined  with  Syria  and  others  in  a  confederation 
to  resist  Assyria,  and  engaged  in  a  suicidal  war  to  try 
to  force  Judah  into  the  alliance.  In  every  way  it  ap- 
peared that  Israel  was  made  mad  that  the  nation 
might  be  destroyed.  The  people  suffered  almost  as 
much  from  internal  strife  as  from  the  attacks  of  As- 
syria. 

Hosea  began  prophesying  along  the  same  lines  as 
his  immediate  predecessor  Amos.  The  symbolic 
names  given  to  his  children  (c.  i)  indicate  the  doom 
which  he  forecasts  for  Israel.  Later,  however,  he 
became  the  exponent  of  the  gracious  element  of  God, 
and  the  change  was  wrought  by  a  bitter  personal  ex- 
perience.    The  book  falls  in  two  parts,  i-iii ;  iv-xiv. 

I.  Cc.  i-iii. — This  is  largely  autobiography,  probably 
was  wholly  such  in  its  original  form.  The  text  is 
badly  corrupted  and  disarranged,  so  that  it  is  difficult 
to  make  a  clear  exposition.  The  best  treatment  is 
that   by    Professor   Bewer,  *'The   Story  of  Horsea's 


THE  PROPHETIC  LITER  A  TURE  111 

Marriage,"  in  Amer.  Jour,  of  S em.  Lang,  and  Lit., 
Jan.,  1906,  and  that  will  be  followed  here.  C.  i,  2^, 
is  a  later  gloss,  so  that  Hosea  was  directed  to  marry 
a  wife,  not  a  prostitute.  This  should  be  followed 
directly  by  iii,  2,  for  in  the  ancient  East  wives  were 
purchased.  The  story  of  the  marriage  and  the  birth 
of  the  children  (c.  i)  was  originally  in  the  first  per- 
son, from  the  prophet's  own  hand.  After  the  birth 
of  Lo-ammi,  Hosea  discovered  that  his  wife  was  un- 
faithful. He  was  a  righteous  and  stern  man,  and 
proposed  to  divorce  her  and  put  her  to  death,  accord- 
ing to  the  law  {cf.  St.  John  viii,  5).  This  story  is 
picked  out  of  the  confused  mass  in  c.  ii,  thus:— 

She  is  not  my  wife, 

And  I  am  not  her  husband  (v.  2b — the  divorce). 
Upon  her  children  I  will  have  no  mercy, 
For  they  are  children  of  harlotry  (v.  4). 
Their  mother  has  played  the  harlot. 
She  that  conceived  them  has  done  shamefully  (v.  5a), 
And  now  I  will  uncover  her  shame 
Before  the  eyes  of  her  lovers. 

And  none  shall  deliver  her  out  of  my  hand  (v.  10 — exposure 
and  punishment). 

God,  however,  determines  otherwise,  for  he  com- 
mands the  unhappy  prophet  thus:  ''Still  go  and  love 
a  woman,  even  though  she  loves  another  and  is  an 
adulteress,  even  as  Jahveh  loveth  the  sons  of  Israel, 
though  they  turn  unto  other  gods"  (iii,  i).  Hosea 
obeys  the  divine  message  and  learns  thus  the  great 
lesson  of  the  love  of  God  unchanged  by  the  people's 
infidelity. 


224  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

The  direction  in  the  text  for  Hosea  to  marry  a  prostitute  was 
so  offensive  that  the  older  interpreters  explained  the  whole  story 
as  an  allegory.  The  text  misses  the  point  of  the  moral,  that 
Hosea  continued  a  love  begun  when  his  wife  was  pure,  even 
after  she  became  bad.  This  explanation  makes  the  allegorical 
interpretation  unnecessary. 

There  is  left  i,  lof.-ii,  i,  which  appears  to  be  a  late 
interpolation  designed  to  soften  the  prophet's  hard  say- 
ings. In  c.  ii  there  is  much  that  is  Hosean,  but  as  it 
is  based  on  Hosea's  complete  experience,  it  belongs 
after  c.  iii.  Vv.  6f.,  14,  15^,  19 f.,  21-23,  make  a  very 
suitable  application  of  the  story  of  Hosea  to  the  re- 
lations of  God  to  Israel. 

2.  Cc.  iv'xiv. — This  is  a  series  of  prophecies  ex- 
tending over  several  years,  but  most  of  them  cannot 
be  dated  very  confidently. 

C.  iv. — The  prophet  finds  only  vice  in  the  land, 
and  therefore  purnisbment  must  come.  The  condition 
is  due  to  ignorance  for  which  the  priests  are  respon- 
sible (vv.  6-10).  The  people  seek  advice  by  divination, 
and  depend  upon  sacrifice,  and  have  become  hopeless 
in  their  infidelity.  The  reference  to  Judah  in  v,  15 
is  a  gloss  (but  see  Harper,  p.  262). 

C.  v. — The  leaders,  the  priests  and  princes,^  are 
held  responsible  for  the  evil  conditions,  though  they 
should  have  been  leaders  in  righteousness.  They 
would  seek  Jahveh  with  splendid  sacrifices,  but  they 
would  not  find  Him,  because  their  hearts  were  not 


For  "house  of  Israel  "  is  a  gloss. 


THE  PROPHETIC  LITER  A  TURE  22S 

right.  War  is  impending,  and  calamity  will  come, 
because  Ephraim  turned  to  foreign  alliances  rather 
than  to  their  God. 

C.  vi.  begins  with  a  beautiful  soliloquy  by  penitent 
Israel  (v,  1-3),  but  Jahveh  perceives  that  the  goodness 
is  but  superficial,  the  people  offering  sacrifice  rather 
than  goodness,  and  burnt  offerings  rather  than  the 
knowledge  of  God.  The  sacrificing  priests  even  com- 
mit murder  like  brigands,  thus  abusing  the  right  of 
asylum,  for  Shechem  was  a  city  of  refuge  (Josh,  xx,  7). 

C.  vii. — God  desires  to  heal  Israel — one  of  the  notes 
of  the  divine  graciousness— but  the  condition  of  the 
people  makes  it  impossible.  The  royal  house  approves 
of  the  sin;  the  royal  celebrations  (coronation  or  birth- 
day) became  debauches.  The  nation  resorts  to  foreign 
alliances,  as  if  it  could  be  saved  by  diplomatic  strategy. 

C.  viii. — Again  the  prophet  lays  bare  the  political 
folly,  for  senseless  revolutions  are  frequent  (v.  4),  and 
help  is  sought  blindly  from  the  very  nation  which  will 
prove  their  undoing  (v.  9).  And  on  the  religious  side 
the  people  trust  the  golden  calf,  and  all  that  it  stands 
for,  and  have  apparently  forgotten  Jahveh  their  maker. 

C.  ix. — Israel  has  long  been  like  the  faithless  wife 
and  she  shall  be  sated  with  consorting  with  her  lovers, 
becoming  exiles.  The  prophets,  i.e.  the  prophetic 
orders,  no  longer  serve  any  good  purpose,  for  they  are 
now  really  madmen.  The  wickedness  of  the  nation 
is  complete  and  punishment  is  inevitable. 

C.  x. — Israel  has  been  a  prosperous  people,  but 
their  wealth  led  to  the  increase  of  sin.  They  make 
16 


226  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

solemn  treaties,  but  do  not  live  up  to  them.  The  gods 
upon  whom  they  have  relied  will  be  carried  away  as 
booty  by  the  Assyrian  invaders.  The  terrible  crisis 
must  have  been  pressing  hard  indeed  when  the  prophet 
cries,  "at  daybreak  shall  the  king  of  Israel  be  cut  off" 

(V.  15). 

C.  xi,  i-ii. — For  the  most  part  this  is  a  beautiful  pic- 
ture of  God's  care  for  Israel  in  the  time  of  the  nation's 
infancy,  and  His  pain  at  the  necessity  of  the  exile. 

C.  xi,  i2-xii. — Ephraim's  history  is  a  steady  record 
of  wrong-doing  from  the  very  beginning.  Jahveh 
had  used  all  efforts  to  lead  him  in  the  right  way, 
prophets  like  Moses  having  always  served  as  the  di- 
vine agents. 

C.  xiii. — Ephraim  was  once  the  most  powerful  tribe 
in  Israel,  but  his  strength  has  been  used  chiefly  in 
the  direction  of  great  sins.  Jahveh,  who  has  done 
the  people  so  much  good,  is  now  constrained  to  do 
them  much  harm ;  and  the  king  and  court  which  the 
people  have  set  up  will  prove  to  be  useless  now. 

C.  xiv. — An  appeal  is  made  to  the  perishing  nation 
to  turn  to  God,  who  is  ever  able  to  heal. 

This  chapter  is  regarded  as  an  addition  by  a  much  later  hand, 
the  arguments  being  well  summarized  by  Harper  (p.  4o8f.). 
Verse  9  is  certainly  a  reflection  by  a  late  editor. 

Micah 

Almost  nothing  is  known  of  this  prophet.     The 

name,  meaning  who  is  like  Jahveh?  ^  is  very  common. 

He  is  called  the  Morashtite  (i,  i ;  Jer.  xxvi,  18)  to 

distinguish  him  from  others,  with  the  same  name, 


THE  PROPHETIC  LITER  A  TURE  227 

and  especially  from  another  prophet,  Micaiah,  the  son 
of  Imlah,  with  whom  the  editor  of  Kings  has  con- 
fused him  (i  Ki.  xxii,  28).  His  home  was  apparently 
Moresheth-gath  (i,  14),  on  the  border  of  the  Philistine 
plain.  Like  Amos,  he  was  a  countryman,  and  the 
list  of  towns  in  i,  10-15,  ^^^  being  in  his  home  country, 
show  the  rather  narrow  range  of  his  experience. 

His  career  is  placed  in  the  reigns  of  Jotham,  Ahaz, 
and  Hezekiah  (i,  i).  Since  there  is  testimony  to  the 
last  reign  in  Jer.  xxvi,  18,  the  names  of  Jotham  and 
Ahaz  are  deemed  an  error,  due  to  the  similar  dating 
of  Micah's  great  contemporary  (Is.  i,  i).  But  in  the 
passage  cited,  Uzziah  is  also  named,  so  that  there  is 
no  real  identification.  It  is  true  that  there  are  pre- 
served no  prophecies  of  Micah's  which  we  can  date 
earlier  than  the  reign  of  Hezekiah,  nevertheless  Mi- 
cah  may  have  prophesied  actually  in  the  reign  of  the 
earlier  kings.  The  evidence  shows  that  Micah  did 
speak  in  the  early  part  of  Hezekiah's  reign,  but  it 
does  not  prove  that  he  did  not  speak  before  that  time. 
For  we  dare  not  assume  that  our  collection  is  a  com- 
plete edition  of  his  utterances. 

The  book  falls  into  three  parts,  i-iii;  ivf.  ;vif., 
only  the  first  of  which  is  now  regarded  as  coming 
from  Micah.  Even  in  this  small  section  there  are 
many  corruptions  and  obscurities. 

I.  Cc.  i-iii. — Jahveh  is  coming  to  the  earth,  and  the 
effect  will  be  disastrous.  The  cause  of  the  visitation 
is  the  sin  of  the  people,  and  the  chief  cities  are  the 


228  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

chief  offenders.  The  corruption  is  so  deep  that  a  cure 
is  deemed  impossible  (i,  1-9)^  The  next  section  is  a 
"lamentation  over  Israel's  doom,"  to  borrow  Smith's 
title,  and  he  calls  the  piece  (i,  10-16),  *'the  most  re- 
markable, as  well  as  the  most  difficult  and  obscure  of 
Micah's  oracles"  (^hit.  Ci'it.  Comm.,  in  loc).  Marti 
rejects  the  passage  as  spurious.  Then  the  prophet 
points  out  the  conspicuous  sin  of  covetousness,  which 
will  result  in  a  doom  from  which  there  is  no  escape 
(ii,  1-5).  The  people  do  not  really  want  divine 
guidance,  for  they  prefer  their  own  evil  way  (ii,  6-1 1). 
To  this  a  later  hand  has  added  a  note  promising  a  re- 
turn from  exile  (ii,  12  f.).  Micah  dwells  on  the  irre- 
sponsibility of  the  leaders,  especially  the  judges,  the 
prophets,  and  the  priests,  who  exercise  office  for  the 
sake  of  gain.  The  result  will  be  the  absolute  de- 
struction of  Jerusalem  (iii). 

Micah's  message  is  definite  and  simple.  Jahveh  sees  the  evil, 
and  punishment  is  bound  to  follow.  The  highest  classes  are 
singled  out  as  especially  blameworthy.  This  is  one  of  the  few 
cases  in  which  there  is  witness  to  the  effect  produced  by  pro- 
phetic threats.  From  Jer.  xxvi,  19,  we  learn  that  as  a  result  of 
this  threat  against  Zion  Hezekiah  feared  Jahveh  and  entreated 
His  favor,  so  that  Jahveh  repented  and  averted  the  doom.  The 
reformation  of  Hezekiah  (2  Ki.  xviii,  3-7),  therefore,  was  in- 
spired by  the  utterances  of  Micah  the  Morashtite. 


1  The  prophet  seems  to  speak  as  if  Samaria  were  still  standing  ; 
in  that  case  the  passage  antedates  722,  and  that  would  agree  with 
2  Ki.  xviii,  gf.,  according  to  which  Hezekiah  began  to  rule  be- 
fore Sargon's  destruction  of  Samaria.  The  time  indicated  by 
Hebrew  tenses  is  never  certain,  and  Samaria  may  be  cited  here 
as  a  horrid  example. 


THE  PROPHETIC  LITER  A  TURE  229 

2.  Cc.  iv,  V. — This  section  begins  with  a  passage 
(iv,  1-5)  found  also  in  Is.  ii,  2-4,  and  is  treated  under 
Isaiah.  There  is  a  promise  that  Jahveh  will  gather 
the  lame,  the  afflicted  and  the  dispersed  and  will  make 
a  strong  nation  of  them  (iv,  6-8).  Then  we  find  another 
point  of  view.  There  is  obvious  satire  on  the  help- 
less potentates  who  now  bear  rule,  and  the  prediction 
of  the  exile,  and  the  gloating  of  the  nations  over  the 
fall  of  the  proud  people.  Then  the  mood  changes: 
the  nations  are  warned  that  they  have  been  led  to 
Zion,  not,  as  they  imagine,  for  exultation,  but  for  de- 
struction (iv,  9-v,  I ;  cf.  Joel  iii).  The  restoration  of 
the  house  of  David  is  promised.  The  Messianic  king 
shall  reunite  the  nation  as  in  David's  time,  and  shall 
subdue  completely  the  enemies  of  God's  people  (v,  2- 
9).  In  that  day  Jahveh  will  destroy  horses  and  char- 
iots and  fortifications — so  that  there  will  be  a  reign 
of  peace,  and  witchcafts  and  soothsayers  and  images— 
sothatthere  will  be  a  reign  of  righteousness  (v,  10-15). 

This  section  is  Messianic  throughout,  and  is  a  series  of  mes- 
sages of  consolation  to  a  people  in  dire  distress.  It  is  now 
pretty  generally  conceded  that  the  passage  is  later  than  Micah. 
The  principal  arguments  for  a  later  date  are:  (i)  The  rule  of 
the  house  of  David  is  ended.  (2)  The  exile  is  presupposed  as 
an  existing  condition.  (3)  Many  of  the  thoughts  are  like  those 
characteristic  of  the  late  prophets,  like  Joel,  Zechariah,  and 
deutero-Isaiah.  (4)  The  tenor  of  the  whole  is  absolutely  at 
variance  with  that  of  cc.  i-iii,  and  Micah  could  not  flatly 
contradict  himself. 

We  might  suppose  that  Micah  assumed  a  different  tone  after 
the  reformation  of  Hezekiah,  and  thus  answer  4 ;  but  the  exile 
was  a  century  and  a  half  after  Micah's  time. 


230  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

3.  Cc.  vi,  vii. — This  section  is  made  up  of  a  number 
of  loosely  connected  oracles,  and  any  grouping  by 
subjects  is  difficult.  At  the  beginning  is  a  fragment 
in  which  Jahveh's  course  in  dealing  with  the  nation 
is  justified  (vi,  1-5).  Then  we  find  a  soliloquy  by  a 
great  soul  who  has  sought  and  found  the  way  to  peace 
with  God  (vi,  ^-%)y  one  of  the  noblest  utterances  in 
Hebrew  prophecy.  Following  there  is  an  oracle  about 
wickedness  and  punishment  (vi,  9-16),  which  might 
have  been  spoken  by  Amos  or  Hosea,  as  it  concerns 
the  Northern  Kingdom,  and  seems  to  be  pre-exilic. 
Scholars  are  not  agreed,  however,  as  to  the  date  or 
origin  of  the  prophecy.  It  is  quite  unrelated  to  its 
context. 

Then  we  come  to  a  bewailing  of  the  wicked  condi- 
tions in  which  "  there  is  none  that  doeth  good,  no, 
not  one."  It  is  a  period  in  which  no  one  can  trust 
his  neighbor,  the  prophet  using  words  borrowed  by 
our  Lord  to  indicate  the  disturbance  which  the  preach- 
ing of  the  Gospel  would  cause  (vii,  1-6).  Yet  faith 
is  still  alive,  for  the  seer  believes  that  though  ''heavi- 
ness may  endure  for  a  night,  joy  cometh  in  the  morn- 
ing." The  penitent  accepts  the  punishment  because 
it  is  the  just  result  of  sin.  The  return  of  the  exiles 
is  expected,  and  yet  the  land  shall  be  desolate.  The 
mighty  enemy  shall  in  the  end  be  humbled  to  the 
dust.  God  is  gracious  and  he  will  pardon  Israel's 
transgression  and  remove  the  awful  consequences  of 
their  sins  (vii,  7-20). 


THE  PROPHETIC  LITER  A  TURE  231 

Long  before  anyone  questioned  Micah's  authorship  of  cc.  iv,  v, 
Ewald  had  satisfactorily  demonstrated  his  theory,  that  this 
section  was  the  product  of  another  hand  than  Micah's.  Now  we 
should  say  other  hands,  for  there  seems  to  be  a  number  of  inde- 
pendent fragments.  The  arguments  against  this  section  are  not 
really  as  convincing  as  those  against  c.  iv  f .  Yet  the  Micaian 
authorship  would  be  difficult  to  maintain.  The  note  of  despond- 
ency running  through  c.  vii  is  not  at  all  like  Micah,  and  the 
literary  style  is  markedly  different. 

Zephaniah 

The  heading  traces  the  ancestry  back  four  genera- 
tions to  Hezekiah.  This  may  be  the  king  of  Judah 
of  Isaiah's  time,  whence  Cheyne  says  finely,  "the 
spirit  of  revelation  chooses  the  most  unlikely  instru- 
ments, calls  Elisha  from  the  plow,  Amos  from  the 
herd,  Zephaniah  (it  may  be)  from  the  steps  of  the 
throne."^  The  date  of  the  prophet  is  given  in  the 
heading  as  the  reign  of  Josiah  (638-608  B.C.),  the 
great  grandson  of  Hezekiah;  and  he  was  therefore  a 
contemporary  of  Jeremiah.  The  occasion  of  the 
prophecy  is  the  invasion  of  the  Scythians,  which 
event  figures  also  in  some  of  the  early  prophecies  of 
Jeremiah.  For  a  time  these  barbarian  hordes  threat- 
ened the  very  existence  of  Judah. 

The  theme  of  the  prophecies  is  the  coming  of  the 
day  of  Jahveh.  The  approach  will  be  marked  by 
great  destruction,  undoing  all  the  work  of  creation. 
Judah  will  go  down  in  the  ruin,  and  the  Baals  and 
Chemarims  (idolatrous  priests),  all  that  have  turned 


'^Jeretniah  and  His  Times ^  P-  33- 


232  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

from  Jahveh  will  be  destroyed .  Punishment  will  come, 
especially  upon  the  privileged  classes ;  for  the  day  of 
Jahveh  is  veritably  a  dies  irce  (c.  i). 

Other  nations,  Philistia,  Moab,  Ammon,  Ethiopia, 
and  Assyria,  will  feel  the  hand  of  Jahveh,  as  well  as 
Judah,  for  the  devastation  sweeps  over  the  whole 
world  (c.  ii).  Jerusalem  is  now  pictured  as  the  re- 
bellious city,  because  she  turned  from  her  allegiance 
to  Jahveh.  Her  princes,  judges,  prophets  and  priests 
have  violated  their  sacred  trusts.  All  this  in  spite 
of  the  favor  Jahveh  has  shown  His  people  (iii,  1-7). 
Then  the  seer  turns  to  the  future,  when  punishment 
shall  have  done  its  work,  and  the  people  will  deal 
faithfully,  and  the  enemy  shall  be  cast  out  (iii,  8-20). 
This  last  passage  is  now  commonly  regarded  as  com- 
ing from  a  later  hand  than  Zephaniah.  It  seems  to 
me  less  difficult  than  similar  Messianic  sections  in 
other  books.  It  is  not  improbable  that  when  the 
prophet  perceived  that  the  Scythians  would  be  turned 
back,  and  knowing  that  the  threatened  disaster  had 
brought  about  repentance,  probably  the  great  reform 
of  Josiah,  he  might  easily  forecast  a  better  day  for 
the  holy  city. 

Nahtim 

Nothing  is  known  about  the  author  save  what  we 
may  conjecture  from  the  book,  and  his  home,  Elkosh, 
is  not  identified,  though  it  may  be  in  the  western  part 
of  Judah,  whence  Micah  also  came  to  be  a  prophet. 

The  subject  of  the  prophecies  is  given  in  the  head- 


THE  PROPHETIC  LITER  A  TURE  233 

ing;  it  is  an  outpouring  against  Nineveh,  such  an 
outburst  as  would  have  delighted  the  soul  of  Jonah  ;  and 
in  this  book  the  avenging  hand  of  God  is  not  stayed 
by  sackcloth  and  fasting.  The  first  part  of  the  book 
(i,  2-10)  is  introductory,  picturing  an  angry  God 
ready  to  work  terrible  vengeance  on  his  foes.  The 
rest  is  a  long-sustained  cry  of  calamity  against  a  na- 
tion for  which  there  will  be  no  one  to  feel  pity,  be- 
cause the  wicked  ambition  of  Assyria  has  led  to  suf- 
fering by  all  the  nations  of  the  earth.  The  book  is 
full  of  the  awful  pictures  of  war;  the  gathering  of  the 
assailants;  the  impressive  armaments;  the  frightful 
charges  of  the  chariots ;  the  efforts  to  rally  the  waver- 
ing lines ;  the  piles  of  dead  bodies  in  the  line  of  battle ; 
the  suffering  in  the  siege;  and  the  final  collapse  of 
Nineveh's  defenses. 

It  is  possible  to  fix  the  date  of  Nahum  pretty  ac- 
curately. There  is  a  plain  reference  to  the  fall  of 
Thebes  in  iii,  8ff.,  and  that  happened  in  661  b.c. 
The  downfall  of  Nineveh  is  still  future.  Nineveh  fell 
in  607  or  606  B.C.,  and  the  prophecy  falls  somewhere 
between  those  two  dates.  As  the  prophet  looks  upon 
the  destruction  of  the  city  as  very  imminent  indeed, 
his  oracle  probably  is  to  be  dated  but  a  short  time 
prior  to  606. 

It  is  quite  generally  held  that  i,  2-10,  is  a  later  ad- 
dition. The  piece  is  really  an  acrostic  poem  quite 
different  in  style  from  the  other  portions,  and  it 
really  has  no  close  connection  with  the  rest,  though 
of  course  it  may  serve  as  a  sort  of  general  introduc- 


234  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

tion.  For  a  fuller  discussion  of  the  question  of  unity, 
reference  may  be  made  to  Smith  {Int.  Crit.  Comm.^  p. 
682  f.). 

Habakkuk 

Like  Jonah,  this  book  contains  a  psalm  (c.  iii).  The 
prophetic  part  is  pretty  short,  but  what  we  have  is 
worthy  of  careful  study. 

The  prophet  lives  in  unhappy  times,  and  he  cannot 
understand  why  the  people  are  oppressed  and  their 
God  is  still,  or  why  there  is  no  answer  to  his  prayer 
(i,  2-4).  The  seer  sketches  the  invincible  army  of 
Babylonia  coming  to  punish  the  wrong-doers  in  Judah 
(i,  5-1 1).  This  power  is  threatening  the  very  exis- 
tence of  a  nation  more  righteous  than  itself;  and  the 
prophet  is  puzzled  to  know  whether  his  devastation 
of  the  nations  has  no  limits  (ii,  12-17). 

Upon  his  watchtower  the  prophet  sees  a  vision, 
which  he  is  ordered  to  record,  for  it  is  the  solution  of 
his  problem  (ii,  1-3).  The  mighty  enemy  will  in  the 
end  be  overreached  by  his  greed.  He  is  rapidly  pro- 
voking the  hostility  of  all  the  nations  of  the  earth. 
Woe  will  finally  fall  upon  the  nation  which  builds  its 
empire  with  blood.  The  images  will  not  serve  when 
the  day  of  Babylon's  doom  shall  come  (ii,  4-20). 

The  date  of  c.  i  is  clearly  before  the  first  capture 
of  Jerusalem  by  Nebuchadrezzar,  597  b.c,  and  the 
rest  apparently  follows  that  catastrophe.  It  is  possible 
that  there  are  several  small  additions  to  the  original 
in  c.  ii,  especially  the  woes. 


THE  PROPHE  TIC  LITER  A  TURE  235 

The  psalm  in  c.  iii  is  assigned  to  Habakkuk  in  the 
heading,  but  the  poem  is  quite  unrelated  to  the  proph- 
ecies. There  are  some  verbal  resemblances  to  Ps. 
Ixxvii  {cf.  especially  vv.  if.-i5  with  Ps.  Ixxvii,  17-20). 
It  has  features  in  common  with  the  Psalms,  note  selah^ 
shigionoth^  for  the  chief  musician.  It  may  have  been 
attached  to  Habakkuk  because  of  a  similarity  of 
subject,  the  poem  depicting  troublous  times.  It  is  a 
fine  picture  of  a  faith  in  God  which  cannot  be  de- 
stroyed by  disasters. 

Obadiah 

This  is  the  only  book  in  the  Old  Testament  too 
short  for  chapter  division.  Nothing  whatever  is 
known  of  the  author,  for  the  attempts  to  identify  him 
with  other  persons  of  that  name  are  futile.  The  theme 
of  the  oracle  is  vengeance  upon  Edom.  At  the  time  of 
Jerusalem's  fall,  586  b.c,  the  Edomites  exalted  in  the 
downfall  of  their  ancient  foe,  and  assisted  the  victors 
in  capturing  the  fugitives  who  might  otherwise  have 
escaped  (vv.  10-14).  The  destruction  which  will  be- 
fall Edom  shall  come  from  the  people  they  have 
wronged. 

In  Jer.  xlix,  7-22,  there  is  a  prophecy  against  Edom, 
in  part  verbally  identical  with  Ob.  1-9.  Many  schol- 
ars have  thought  Jeremiah  dependent  upon  Obadiah, 
but  Bewer  holds  the  reverse  to  be  true,  at  least  in  part 
{^liit.  Crit,  Comm.).  The  unity  of  the  book  has  been 
abandoned  by  most  scholars,  vv.  15-21  being  deemed 
appendices  to  the  original  brief  prophecy. 


236  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

The  date  of  the  original  oracle  is  usually  fixed  at  a 
period  shortly  after  586,  to  which  the  reference  is  so 
clear,  for  then  the  animosity  towards  Edom  was  bitter. 
The  appendices  might  be  as  late  as  the  Maccabean 
times  when  war  was  waged  upon  the  Edomites  by  the 
Maccabees.  Bewer,  however,  argues  with  some  force 
that  this  part  is  older  than  Joel. 

Haggai 

The  name  means/^i-/<2/,  or  my  feasts,  whence  it  has 
been  inferred  that,  like  Malachi,  this  book  is  by  one 
whose  name  is  not  known,  the  term  coming  from  the 
fact  that  the  prophecies  were  delivered  on  feast  days. 
But  there  is  little  to  support  such  a  speculation,  and 
Haggai  is  probably  a  real  personal  name. 

It  has  been  supposed  that  Haggai  was  born  in 
Babylonia,  and  was  therefore  one  of  the  returned  ex- 
iles (see  Mitchell,  /;//.  Crit.  Comm.,  p.  27).  Outside 
of  his  own  book  he  is  named  only  in  Ezr.  v,  i ;  vi,  14, 
along  with  Zechariah,  but  this  is  in  a  late  Aramaic 
source. 

The  date  given  in  i,  i,  is  undoubtedly  correct,  the 
second  year  of  Darius,  i.e.  Darius  Hystaspis  (521-485 
B.C.).,!]  He  was  therefore  the  contemporary  and  helper 
of  Zerubbabel  and  Jeshua.  There  are  four  brief 
prophecies,  all  belonging  to  the  same  year,  and  after 
the  manner  of  the  later  writers,  each  is  carefully  dated. 
There  is  a  certain  amount  of  narrative  imbedded  in 
the  book,  as  in  Jeremiah,  and  this  may  come  from  a 
disciple. 


THE  PROP  HE  TIC  LITER  A  TURE  237 


All  of  Haggai's  prophecies  deal  with  the  same 
subject,  the  rebuilding  of  the  temple.  In  536  Shesh- 
bazzar  had  come  to  Jerusalem  with  authority  from 
Cyrus  to  rebuild  the  temple,  but  he  had  not  been  able 
to  accomplish  his  purpose.  In  520  Zerubbabel  had 
arrived  in  Jerusalem  with  another  company  '  of  exiles, 
and  with  renewed  authorization  from  Darius.  The 
building  of  a  temple  was,  however,  a  pretty  big  task ; 
the  resources  of  the  people  were  small ;  Jerusalem  was 
unprotected  by  walls,  and  its  inhabitants  were  very  few 
indeed.  It  was  the  prophecies  of  Haggai  and  Zecha- 
riah  which  aroused  the  people  to  the  great  undertaking. 

The  four  prophecies  with  their  dates  and  a  sum- 
mary of  their  contents  are  as  follows: 

1.  C.  i,  I-II,  delivered  on  the  first  day  of  the  sixth 
month,  520  B.C.,  is  an  answer  to  the  plea  of  the  peo- 
ple that  a  suitable  time  had  not  yet  arrived  for  under- 
taking the  erection  of  the  temple.  Haggai  notes 
that  they  have  found  opportunity  to  build  fine  houses 
for  themsleves.  He  points  out  the  general  unsatis- 
factory condition  of  affairs,  and  explains  the  poverty 
as  a  visitation  from  the  God  whose  temple  lies  in  ruins. 

There  follows  an  historical  section  (vv.  12-15)  describing  the 
effect  of  the  prophecy.  Zerubbabel,  the  governor,  Jeshua,  the 
high  priest,  and  the  people  responded  promptly  to  the  appeal, 
and  the  work  on  the  temple  was  begun  twenty-three  days  later. 

2.  C.  a,  l-g.  This  oracle,  delivered  on  the  twenty- 
first  day  of  the  seventh  month,  was  spoken  to  relieve 


Haggai  may  have  been  a  member  of  this  band. 


238  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

the  despondency  produced  by  the  comment  of  some  of 
the  old  people  who  remembered  the  temple  of  Solo- 
mon, destroyed  sixty-six  years  before,  because  the 
new  temple  would  evidently  be  much  less  splendid. 
The  prophet  declares  that  Jahveh  will  bring  wealth 
and  glory  to  this  temple. 

3.  C.  iiy  lO-ig,  is  spoken  on  the  twenty-fourth  day  of 
the  ninth  month.  Certain  questions  about  defiling 
are  asked  of  the  priests;  from  which  the  prophet 
points  the  moral :  before  the  temple  was  begun,  the 
people  suffered  much  adversity,  from  blasting,  mil- 
dew and  hail;  but  now  Haggai  declares  there  will  be  a 
blessing  from  Jahveh  in  the  abundant  yield  of  the  soil. 

4.  C.  it,  20-2J,  uttered  on  the  same  day,  though  the 
month  is  not  given.  This  is  a  personal  message  to 
Zerubbabel,  the  governor,  assuring  him  that  Jahveh 
will  cause  a  turmoil  among  the  nations  from  which  he 
will  profit.  There  is  probably  a  reference  to  some 
historical  event,  of  which  we  have  no  knowledge.  It 
is  possible  that  the  allusion  is  to  some  movement  of 
the  Samaritans,  such  as  that  described  in  Ezr.  iv,  1-3. 

Zechariah 

This  book  must  be  considered  in  two  sections,  foi 
cc.  i-viii  belong  to  Zechariah,  while  cc.  ix-xiv  certainly 
do  not. 

We  find  both  the  father,  Berechiah,  and  the  grand- 
father, Iddo,  named  (i,  i),  though  in  Ezr.  v,  i;  vi,  14, 


THE  PROP  HE  TIC  LITER  A  TURE  239 


Iddo  is  given  as  Zechariah's  father.'  Iddo  is  given 
among  the  priests  who  went  up  from  exile  with  Ze- 
rubbabel  (Neh.  xii,  4).  Zechariah  must  therefore 
have  been  a  priest,  and  a  very  young  man  at  this  time. 
Zechariah  began  to  prophesy  two  months  later  than 
Haggai,  and  his  prophetic  work  lasted  certainly  two 
years  (i,  i;  vii,  i).  Mitchell  gives  good  reasons  to 
believe  that  he  labored  in  Jerusalem  for  many  years 
{Int.  Crit.  Comm.,  p.  83).  What  was  said  above  of 
the  occasion  of  Haggai's  prophecies  applies  here  also. 

I.  Cc.  t-vtn.—ThQSQ  prophecies  fall  into  three 
sections : — 

a.  C.  i,  1-6.— This  is  an  introduction  exhorting 
the  people  who  have  long  been  negligent  to  return  to 
Jahveh,  and  to  leave  off  their  evil  doings,  and  noting 
that  the  calamities  which  the  earlier  prophets  had 
predicted  had  all  come  to  pass. 

d.  C.  i,  7-vi,  23.— Here  we  have  a  series  of  eight 
visions,  and  as  this  is  the  main  body  of  Zechariah's 
surviving  works,  we  may  regard  the  vision  as  indicat- 
ing his  prophetic  method.  Amos,  Ezekiel  and  other 
prophets  had  made  use  of  the  vision,  but  no  other 
relies  on  it  so  exclusively. 

(i)  C.  i,  7-iy.—T/ie  vision  of  the  horsemen  among 
the  myrtle  trees.  This  vision  receives  an  elaborate 
interpretation,  which  comes  from  the  angel  who  con- 
verses with  the  prophet.  The  varicolored  horses  carry 
messengers,  who  have  been  making  a  tour  of  the  earth, 


iThis  may  be  correct  (see  Mitchell,  Int.  Crit.  Comm.,  p.  81). 


240  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

and  they  report  a  general  state  of  peace.  Jahveh's 
message  comes  from  the  angel,  and  is  that  Jerusalem 
shall  share  the  blessings  of  this  condition  of  peace,  for 
the  nations  have  punished  Judah  more  than  Jahveh 
desired. 

(2)  C.  i.  18-21.  —  The  four  horns  and  four  smiths, 
the  horns,  like  those  of  wild  animals,  representing  the 
nations  which  have  desolated  Judah, ^  and  four  indi- 
cating probably  the  four  quarters  of  the  earth.  The 
four  workmen  are  to  cast  down  the  horns,  so  as  to 
render  them  harmless,  presumably  from  the  custom 
of  cutting  off  the  horns  of  fractious  cattle  {cf.  Jer. 
xlviii,  25;  Ps.  Ixxv,  10). 

(3)  C.  ii,  1-13. — The  man  with  the  measuring  line ^ 
who  is  about  to  take  the  measurements  of  Jerusalem, 
for  the  city  would  have  a  dense  population,  and  Jah- 
veh would  be  a  wall  of  fire  to  protect  the  city.  There 
follows  an  appeal  to  the  people  to  leave  their  homes 
in  Babylonia  and  return  to  the  city  of  the  divine  glory, 
to  which  even  other  nations  will  flock. 

The  prophet  sees  the  weakness  of  Jerusalem,  and  the  difficulty 
of  the  situation.  Without  walls  Jerusalem  was  too  vulnerable 
to  serve  as  a  suitable  habitation  for  the  people.  Those  who  re- 
turned from  exile  for  the  most  part  settled  in  the  smaller  Judean 
towns.  Three  quarters  of  a  century  later,  Jerusalem  practically 
had  no  population  (Neh.  vii,  4),  but  with  the  restoration  of  the 
walls,  Nehemiah  was  able  to  induce  people  to  take  up  their  abode 
there  (Neh.  xi,  if.). 

(4)  C.  iii,  i-io. —Jeshua  and  Satan.  Jeshua  was 
standing  before  the  angel  and  Satan  at  his  right  hand 
to  oppose  him.  The  filthy  garments  were  taken  from 
the  priest,  and  he  was  clothed  with  the  rich  apparel  of 


^  The  horn  as  a  symbol  of  destruction  occurs  in  i  Ki.  xxii,  1 1 


THE  PROPHETIC  LITER  A  TURE  24 1 

his  office.  Promises  are  made  to  Jeshua  that  if  he  is 
faithful  to  Jahveh,  he  shall  be  the  priest  of  the  new 
temple. 

This  is  one  of  the  three  places  in  the  Old  Testament  where 
Satan  is  mentioned,  the  others  being  Job  i,  ii ;  i  Chr.  xxi,  i. 
The  office  of  Satan  is  not  clear  here,  save  that  he  is  hostile  to 
the  reestablishment  of  the  priesthood  and  the  temple.  The 
vision  refers  to  some  event  of  which  we  have  no  independent 
knowledge.  We  may  infer,  however,  that  the  priest  had  been 
accused  of  wrong,  and  was  deprived  of  his  robes  of  office. 
Jeshua  is  acquitted  before  God,  and  restored  to  his  full  privileges. 

(5)  C.  iv,  I -14. —  The  golden  candlestick^  with  a 
bowl  or  reservoir  on  top  and  seven  lamps,  each  sup- 
plied with  oil  from  the  central  reservoir,  and  beside  the 
candlestick  or  candelabrum  are  two  olive  trees.  The 
seven  lamps  are  interpreted  to  signify  the  eyes  of  Jah- 
veh which  are  able  to  see  all  that  goes  on  in  the  world. 
The  two  olive  trees,  meant  to  serve  as  a  source  of 
supply  to  keep  oil  in  the  lamps,  are  declared  to  be 
*'the  two  anointed  ones"  or  Messiahs,  and  that  means 
Zerubbabel  and  Jeshua. 

We  note  that  an  interval  elapses  between  the  fourth  and  fifth 
visions  (v.  i),  the  seer  being  roused  up  in  order  that  he  might 
tell  his  vision.  Most  scholars  omit  vv.  6^-ioa,  12,  as  an  addition 
to  the  vision  (see,  e.g.,  Mitchell,  Int.  Crit.  Comm.).  In  v.  \ob  we 
do  find  the  answer  promised  in  v.  6^.  Moreover  the  whole  vis- 
ion seems  clearly  to  point  to  the  two  leaders,  while  vv.  6^,  10  a 
give  a  glowing  promise  to  Zerubbabel  alone.  The  civil  ruler 
Zerubbabel  has  precedence  in  Haggai,  while  the  ecclesiastical 
head  Jeshua  is  more  prominent  in  Zechariah.  The  passage  inter- 
polated may  be  due  to  one  who  sought  an  explanation  of  the 
one  candelabrum  upon  which  the  seven  lamps  depended,  and 
whose  interest  lay  in  the  political  life.  This  vision,  like  the  pre- 
ceding, shows  that  a  government  was  not  established  in  the 
post-exilic  community  without  overcoming  serious  opposition. 
It  was  only  by  the  appeals  of  the  prophets  that  the  people  were 
induced  to  recognize  the  authority  of  the  governor  and  the 
priest. 

17 


242  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

(6)  C.  V,  1-4. —  The  flying  roll.  An  immense  book 
roll,  fifteen  by  thirty  feet,  spread  out  flat  goes  over 
the  land  like  an  aeroplane.  On  it  were  written  curses 
to  drive  the  dishonest  and  perjurers  from  the  earth. 
A  written  curse  was  supposed  to  have  greater  efficacy 
than  a  spoken  one.  Thus  the  curses  upon  the  Phoe- 
necian  sarcophagi  were  inscribed  to  deter  people  from 
molesting  the  remains. 

(7)  C.  v.  5-1 1.  —  The  woman  in  the  ephah.  The  wo- 
man symbolizes  the  wickedness  of  the  land  {cf.  the  role 
of  Eve  in  the  Eden  story).  She  is  put  into  the  ephah, 
a  large  measure,  whose  mouth  is  closed  with  a  mass  of 
lead.  Two  celestial  beings  whose  wings  are  moved  by 
the  wind  carry  the  imprisoned  woman  to  the  land  of 
Shinar,  i.e.  Babylonia,  the  home  of  idolatry  and  evil. 

(8)  C.  vi,  1-8. — The  four  chariots,  differentiated 
by  the  color  of  the  attached  horses,  are  destined  to  tra- 
verse the  earth,  one  to  each  point  of  the  compass.'  The 
only  one  whose  significance  is  explained  is  the  one 
going  to  the  north  country,  which  really  means  Baby- 
lonia, and  where  Jahveh's  spirit  is  quiet. 

The  vision  is  obscure,  possibly  because  incomplete,  and  the 
meaning  is  doubtful.  Probably  we  should  infer  that  Jahveh  was 
now  satisfied  with  the  punishment  which  had  befallen  the  land 
of  captivity,  and  that  no  further  vengeance  was  to  be  looked  for. 

There  follows  a  passage  (vi,  9-15),  which  is  evi- 
dently based  upon  some  current  event  which  seemed 
important  to  the  prophet.  Some  men  had  just  come 
up  from  exile,  and  they  had  brought  some  silver  and 
gold  as  offerings,  out  of  which  crowns  were  to  be 
made  and  placed  upon  the  head  of  Jeshua  the  high- 


'  Cf.  the  four  horns  of  i,  18. 


THE  PROPHETIC  LITERA  TURE  243 

priest,  as  a  further  sign  that  he  shall  build  the  temple 
and  be  chief  ruler  therein.  With  this  may  be  associated 
the  message  to  Zerubbabel  (iv,  6-8).  The  meaning  is 
very  like  that  of  the  vision  of  Jeshua  and  Satan  (c.  iii). 

c.  Cc.  vii,  viii.  —  The  inquiry  of  the  men  of  Bethel ^ 
and  the  prophecies  based  tipon  it.  In  the  fourth  year 
of  Darius,  518  B.C.,  messengers  came  from  Bethel  to 
intreat  the  favor  of  Jahveh  and  to  learn  whether,  in 
view  of  the  new  conditions,  they  are  to  continue  ob- 
serving the  fast  of  the  fifth  month,  which  commemo- 
rated the  destuction  of  the  city  and  temple  by  Nebu- 
chadrezzar. The  prophet  finds  little  to  commend  in 
this  fast,  or  in  that  of  the  seventh  month,  to  bewail 
the  murder  of  Gedeliah  and  the  flight  to  Egypt. 
Though  a  priest,  Zechariah  holds  the  prophetic  view 
about  the  value  of  fasting  and  sacrifice,  and  he  urges 
that  what  Jahveh  has  always  desired  of  his  people  is 
righteousness  and  justice.  The  sufferings  of  the  na- 
tion are  due  to  their  failure  to  obey  these  prophetic 
commands  (c.  vii). 

But  now  conditions  are  changed.  Jahveh  is  again 
favorable  to  Zion,  and  the  city  shall  be  safe  for  old 
and  young,  and  be  filled  with  returning  exiles  (viii, 
1-8).  In  this  new  era,  since  the  temple  was  rebuilt, 
there  will  be  great  prosperity,  for  Jahveh  will  keep 
His  word  for  good  as  he  had  done  for  evil  (vv.  9-17). 
All  the  fasts  of  the  exiles  shall  become  the  feasts  of 
the  restoration,  and  people  from  all  over  the  world 
will  flock  to  the  holy  city,  because  it  is  known  that 
God  may  be  found  there. 


244  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

The  main  points  in  Zechariah's  teaching  are  the 
freeing  of  the  land  from  sin;  the  establishment  of  a 
firm  government,  civil  and  ecclesiastical;  the  era  of 
peace  in  the  whole  world ;  the  constant  return  of  the 
exiles  to  the  holy  land;  the  reestablishment  of  the 
religion  of  Jahveh ;  and  the  conversion  of  the  nations. 

2.  Cc.  ^-14. — Nearly  300  years  ago  it  was  seen 
that  it  is  difficult  to  assign  these  prophecies  to  the 
age  of  Zechariah.  As  xi,  12,  is  quoted  in  Mat.  xxvii, 
19,  as  Jeremian,  it  was  at  first  supposed  that  ix-xiv  be- 
long to  the  pre-exilic  period.  But  almost  every  possible 
.-date  has  been  advocated  in  more  recent  years.  In- 
deed there  is  scarcely  any  part  of  the  Old  Testament 
about  which  there  is  such  complete  diversity  of  opin- 
ion. Scholars  hold  varied  theories  about  the  unity, 
some  believing  that  all  comes  from  one  hand ;  others 
separating  ix-xi  and  xii-xiv;  and  still  others  seeing 
•different  originals  grouped  together  here.  For  our 
purpose  it  is  only  necessary  to  say  that  the  whole 
.comes  from  the  Greek  period,  later  than  332  b.c,  and 
so  200  years  or  more  after  Zechariah,  and  that  the 
evidence  for  the  composite  character  of  the  section  is 
pretty  convincing.  The  reader  desiring  further  in- 
formation may  profitably  consult  the  elaborate  treat- 
ment by  Michell  {hit.  Crit,  Comm.,  pp.  232-259). 

These  prophecies  show  markedly  the  apocalyptic 
notes.  There  are  two  which  are  especially  plain:  the 
nations  are  not  to  be  converted,  but  destroyed ;  and 
Ihe  meaning   is  expressed  mystically  in  figures  and 


THE  PROPHETIC  LITERA  TURE  245 

symbols.  The  last  note  may  be  due  to  the  danger  of 
plain  speaking,  so  that  the  oracles  must  be  veiled  in 
mystery. 

It  is  convenient  to  divide  the  material  into  two  parts : 

a.  Cc.  ix-xi.— The  downfall  of  the  nations,  espec- 
ially of  Tyre,  is  confidently  predicted,  from  which  will 
result  a  state  of  tranquility,  greatly  to  the  profit  of 
Judah,  whose  king  shall  come  in  humility  and  peace  (ix, 
i-io).  The  prisoners  shall  be  delivered,  and  the  sons  of 
Zion  be  conquerors  by  the  help  of  their  God  (ix,  i  i-i/). 
The  responsibility  for  the  bad  state  of  affairs  is 
placed  upon  the  foreign  leaders  ("the  shepherds,"  v. 
3);  nevertheless  Jahveh  will  visit  his  flock,  and 
strengthen  his  people  so  that  they  shall  overthrow 
their  enemies  (x,  1-7).  Though  many  of  God's  peo- 
ple continue  to  abide  in  heathen  lands,  they  shall  be 
faithful  to  Him,  and,  overcoming  all  obstacles.  He  will 
in  the  end  bring  them  back  (x,  8-12).  The  terrible 
fall  of  the  shepherds  invites  a  lamentation  (xi,  1-3). 
There  follows  the  symbolic  oracle  on  the  two  staves, 
"Delight"  and  "Union,"  each  being  the  sign  of  a 
covenant,  one  with  all  the  nations,  and  the  other  be- 
tween Judah  and  Israel.  The  shepherd's  crooks  are 
broken  to  indicate  the  abrogation  of  the  agreements 
(xi,  4-14).  There  will  arise  "a  hireling  shepherd," 
who  will  not  care  for  the  flock,  but  will  devour  them  ; 
and  disaster  will  come  upon  him  (xi,  15-17). 

b.  Cc.  xii-xiv.— We  note  that  this  section  has  an 
independent  heading  (xii,    i).      Israel   is,   however, 


246  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

used  of  the  nation,  not  of  the  Northern  Kingdom. 
Jerusalem  is  beset  on  all  sides  by  foes,  but  the  attack 
will  recoil  upon  the  assailants,  for  Jahveh  ''will  seek 
to  destroy  all  the  nations  that  come  against  Jerusalem" 
(xii,  1-9).  A  new  day  is  coming  for  the  house  of  David 
and  for  the  holy  city ;  but  there  will  be  a  great  mourn- 
ing, in  which  the  princes,  the  prophets,  the  priests 
and  every  other  class  shall  mourn  separately;  the 
weeping  is  due  to  remorse  for  sin  and  for  cruelty  to 
some  unnamed  victim  of  their  wrong  (xii,  10-14). 
In  the  new  day  the  order  of  prophets  will  be  banished 
from  the  land ;  for  any  decent  man  will  be  ashamed 
to  own  up  to  a  prophetic  title  {cf.  Am.  vii,  14),  for 
the  prophets  have  not  healed,  but  wounded  (xiii,  1-6). 
There  is  a  cry  for  vengeance  on  the  shepherd;  then 
the  remnant  shall  be  refined  and  purified,  so  that  right 
relations  will  be  established  between  God  and  His 
people  (xiii,  7-9;*  cf.  Hos.  i,  10).  A  great  blow  is 
about  to  fall  upon  Jerusalem ;  but  the  day  of  Jahveh 
shall  come  with  its  mysterious  accompaniments,  show- 
ing that  He  will  avenge  His  people's  wrongs  (xiv,  1-8). 
Jahveh  will  rule  all  the  nations  of  the  earth;  therefore 
Jerusalem  will  be  safe  again,  and  people  will  flock 
into  it  (xiv,  9-1 1).  A  plague  will  fall  upon  those  who 
have  oppressed  Jerusalem ;  further,  these  nations  will 
destroy  each  other,  so  that  their  riches  will  fall  to 
Judah  (xiv,   12-15).     The  heathen  who  survive  shall 


*  Mitchell  unites  this  to  the  other  shepherd  passage  (xi,  4-17), 
entitling  the  whole  "the  two  shepherds"  i^Int.  Crit.  Comm.). 


THE  PROPHETIC  LITERA  TURE  247 

become  proselytes,  or  else  suffer  all  kinds  of  disasters. 
In  that  day  nothing  will  remain  that  is  common  or 
unclean,  even  the  bells  on  the  horses  bearing  the  in- 
scription ''holy  unto  Jahveh"  (xiv,  16-21). 

Malachi 

As  Malachi  is  a  common  noun,  meaning  my  mes- 
senger^ a  suitable  designation  for  a  prophet,  it  is  an 
open  question  whether  we  know  the  name  of  the  seer. 
The  use  in  the  heading  is  quite  like  that  in  other 
books,  however,  and  as  all  Hebrew  names  are  combina- 
tions containing  nouns,  usually  adding  the  name 
of  a  deity,  we  may,  with  a  reasonable  degree  of  prob- 
ability, accept  Malachi  as  the  prophet's  name. 

The  theme  of  the  prophecies  is  found  at  the  end — 
**remember  ye  the  law  of  Moses"  (iv,  4).  The  book 
might  well  be  regarded  as  a  short  sermon  with  that 
appeal  as  its  text.  Most  of  the  oracles  point  out  the 
way  in  which  that  law  is  violated.  After  an  intro- 
ductory passage  (i,  1-5)  contrasting  Jahveh's  attitude 
toward  Israel  and  Edom  (Jacob  and  Esau),  the 
wrong-doing  of  the  priesthood  is  noted.  The  prophet 
does  not  attack  the  priestly  system  as  such,  as  Amos 
and  others  do;  but  he  assails  its  abuses.  The  priests 
place  polluted  bread  upon  God's  altar;  they  offer  the 
blind  and  lame  as  sacrifices  {cf.  Dt.  xv,  21),  such  as 
the  governor  would  not  accept  as  tax;  the  sacred 
offices  are  performed  in  a  perfunctory  way,  as  if  it 
were  a  wearisome  task.  Jahveh  is  so  incensed  that 
He  would  rather  the  doors  of  the  temple  were  closed, 


248  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

for  He  finds  more  real  devotion  among  the  heathen 
(i,  6-14).  A  curse  will  fall  upon  priests  who  so  lightly 
regard  their  sacred  office,  and  they  will  be  defiled ;  for 
they  are  faithless  to  the  holy  covenant  with  Levi  and 
the  priest's  lips  no  longer  keep  knowledge  (ii,  1-9). 
There  is  a  general  tendency  to  break  down  the  lines 
of  demarcation  between  the  Jews  and  the  heathen. 
There  was  a  liberal  party  whose  catching  slogan  was, 
"have  we  not  all  one  father  ?  hath  not  one  God  created 
us?";  but  it  was  used  to  justify  marriage  with  for- 
eigners, resulting  in  the  corruption  of  religion.  The 
people  cruelly  divorce  their  Jewish  wives  in  order  to 
marry  a  heathen,  to  the  wearying  of  a  God  who  op- 
poses the  breaking  of  any  kind  of  a  covenant  (ii,  10- 
17).  Jahveh  will  send  His  messenger,^  and  his  com- 
ing will  bring  distress,  for  the  purifying  of  the  priests 
will  be  to  them  a  painful  process,  but  it  will  result  in 
the  restoration  of  the  cult  so  that  it  will  meet  with 
the  favor  of  God  (iii,  1-6).  The  people  as  well  as 
the  priests  have  violated  the  law,  in  that  they  have 
not  paid  their  just  dues  to  the  temple.  Let  them 
once  do  that  and  Jahveh  will  rain  blessings  through 
the  windows  of  heaven  (iii,  7-12;  cf.  2  Ki.  vii,  2). 
The  people  were  despondent  and  could  see  no  gain 
from  serving  God.  Yet  those  who  persisted  in  their 
loyalty  in  the  face  of  adverse  circumstances  would  be 
recorded   in   Jahveh's   "book  of  remembrance"  (iii. 


^"My  messenger"=Malachi  iii,   i,  and    this  use  is  urged  in 
support  of  the  view  that  the  prophecy  is  anonymous. 


THE  PROPHE  TIC  LITER  A  TURE  249 

13-18).  The  day  comes  when  the  decision  will  be 
made  between  the  good  and  the  evil,  the  former  tread- 
ing down  the  latter  (iv,  1-3).  The  book  closes  with 
the  appeal  to  obey  the  law  and  the  prediction  of  the 
advent  of  Elijah  to  reconcile  fathers  and  children 
(iv,  4-6). 

The  unity  of  the  book  is  generally  admitted.  The  only  part 
which  is  seriously  questioned  is  iv,  4-6,  which  is  sometimes  re- 
garded as  an  addition  to  point  the  moral.  We  note  the  tendency 
towards  a  catechetical  style  (i,  2-6,  7  ;  ii,  14,  17  ;  iii,  7,  13). 

Unlike  most  of  the  prophets,  the  book  is  undated,  possibly 
because  it  was  originally  attached  to  some  other  collection.  In- 
ternal evidence,  however,  points  to  the  period  of  Nehemiah's 
second  administration.  Neh.  xiii  and  Malachi  reveal  exactly 
the  same  conditions,  except  on  one  point,  a  fact  overlooked  by 
Smith  {hit.  Crit.  Co?nm.)  ;  that  is  with  regard  to  the  lawlessness 
of  the  priests,  against  whom  there  is  nothing  said  in  Nehemiah. 
Nevertheless,  the  prophecy  fits  that  period  better  than  any  other 
we  know,  and  the  date  is  pretty  surely  in  the  neighborhood  of 
430  B.C. 

Joel 

Nothing  is  known  of  Joel  save  that  he  was  the  son 
of  an  unknown  Pethuel  (i,  i).  It  is  plain,  however, 
that  Joel,  unlike  the  earlier  prophets,  is  in  close  touch 
with  the  priests  and  is  a  sympathetic  upholder  of 
the  cult. 

It  was  formerly  held  that  Joel  was  one  of  the  earli- 
est prophets,  but  that  position  is  no  longer  deemed 
tenable.  As  indications  of  date  we  notice  that  (i) 
the  priests  are  the  rulers,  and  that  there  is  neither 
king  nor  prince;  (2)  Judah  stands  alone,  so  that  Israel 
has  already  perished;  (3)  the  predominant  interest  is 


250  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

in  the  temple  ritual;  (4)  the  apocalyptic  tendency  is 
conspicuous.  These  considerations  point  to  a  date 
later  than  Ezra,  and  as  there  is  no  clear  indication  of 
the  Greek  period,  we  may  assign  the  book  to  about 
the  middle  of  the  fourth  century. 

There  has  been  much  discussion  about  the  unity  of 
the  book.  Some  scholars  have  advocated  a  theory 
that  i-ii,  27,  is  independent  of  the  rest;  some  maintain 
that  the  whole  is  a  unit;  Bewer,  one  of  the  latest 
commentators,  accepts  all  but  iii,  3-8,  and  a  few  other 
scattered  verses. 

The  style  is  beautiful  and  the  imagery  fine.  For 
convenience  of  study  the  book  is  best  divided  into 
three  sections:  i,  i-ii,  17;  ii,  18-27;  iii. 

I.  The  locusts  and  the  drought. — There  is  first 
the  plague  of  locusts  the  like  of  which  no  person, 
not  even  the  oldest  men,  had  seen  before.  Swarm 
succeeds  swarm,  each  one  devouring  what  its  pred- 
ecessor had  left.  The  locusts  are  compared  to  a 
great  army  bent  on  destruction  (i,  2-7'-).  The  devas- 
tation is  so  great  that  offerings  can  no  longer  be 
found  for  the  temple,  and  all  classes  of  people  are 
called  upon  to  mourn  the  awful  desolation.  The 
priests  are  urged  to  lament  and  to  call  the  people 
to  a  great  fast  (i,  8-14). 


^From  this  simile  some  of  the  older  interpreters  supposed  that 
the  locusts  were  the  figure  of  an  invading  army.  But  it  would 
be  inconceivably  stupid  to  use  locusts  figuratively  for  an  army 
and  then  to  compare  them  to  an  army. 


THE  PROP  HE  TIC  LITER  A  TURK  25 1 


Then  there  is  pictured  the  great  drought,  called 
"the  day  of  Jahveh,"  and  so  a  veritable  dies  ircE. 
The  seeds  rot  in  the  ground,  and  the  thirsty  beasts 
pant  in  the  field,  for  even  the  water  brooks  are  dried 
up  (i,  15-20). 

The  vision  returns  to  the  locusts,  and  they  are  evi- 
dence of  the  dreadful  day  of  Jahveh.  In  a  glowing 
and  eloquent  passage  the  awful  invasion  is  pictured, 
again  under  the  figure  of  an  army  (ii,  i-ii).  The 
visitations  are  sent  from  God,  and  as  He  is  gracious, 
He  may  repent  and  drive  the  invaders  back.  To  win 
the  favor  of  God  the  people  are  called  upon  to  repent, 
and  to  gather  for  a  great  fast,  at  which  the  priests 
are  to  cry  to  Jahveh  not  to  make  His  people  an  object 
of  scorn  to  the  nations  (ii,  12-17). 

2 .  The  blessings  which  Jahveh  will  give  (ii,  18-27).  — 
Jahveh  heard  the  prayer,  and  promised  to  give  again 
the  products  of  the  earth  and  to  drive  away  the  locusts ; 
the  rain  will  fall  again,  the  cattle  will  rejoice  and  the 
parched  land  will  yield  its  increase.  The  people  will 
thus  have  evidence  that  God  is  in  their  midst. 

A  still  greater  blessing  will  God  give;  for  He  will 
pour  out  His  spirit  upon  all  flesh,  so  that  all  classes  of 
people  shall  become  prophets;  the  spiritual  outpour- 
ing will  be  accompanied  by  wonderful  convulsions  in 
the  natural  world ;  salvation  shall  be  found  at  Jerusa- 
lem (ii,  28-32). 

3.  The  destruction  of  the  heathen  nations  (c.  iii). — 
The  Jews  will  return  to  Jerusalem,  and  all  the  nations 
of  the  world  shall  be  gathered  in  the  valley  of  Je- 


252  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

hoshaphat.'  These  nations  have  wronged  Israel  by 
plunder  and  selling  the  captives  as  slaves,  and  now 
their  day  has  come.  The  hosts  will  be  cut  down 
like  grain.  Great  blessings  will  result  for  the  peo- 
ple of  God. 

Jonah 

This  book  is  peculiar  in  the  prophetic  collection  in 
that,  with  the  exception  of  the  poem  in  c.  ii,  it  is  almost 
wholly  biographical.  It  is  much  like  the  prophetic 
stories  in  the  historical  books,  especially  those  about 
Elijah.  The  book  is  particularly  noticeable  for  its 
broad  view  that  God  is  interested  in  the  welfare  of 
other  nations  than  Israel.  Perhaps  the  greatest  les- 
son taught  in  the  book  is  that  it  is  impossible  for  the 
prophet  of  God  to  disobey.  The  book  is  full  of  the 
marvelous.  The  author  is  apparently  concerned  much 
more  with  impressive  moral  lessons  than  with  exact- 
ness of  description. 

Jonah  was  commanded  to  preach  in  Nineveh,  to 
turn  it  from  its  wickedness.  The  prophet  recoiled 
from  trying  to  save  a  people  he  would  like  to  have 
destroyed,  and  starts  towards  Spain,  in  exactly  the  op- 
posite direction  from  Nineveh.  He  was  brought  back 
by  a  great  fish — there  is  no  mention  of  a  whale — and 
the  command  was  repeated  (iii,  i).  This  time  Jonah 
obeys  and  proclaims  the  speedy  destruction  of  Nineveh. 
The  Ninevites,  however,  repented  when  they  heard 
the  threat,  and  there  was  a  general  fast,  in  which 


'The  word  m^dins  Jahv  eh  judges.  The  valley  of  Jehoshaphat, 
therefore,  is  the  place  where  the  divine  judgment  will  be  visited 
upon  the  heathen. 


THE  PROPHE  TIC  LITER  A  TURE  253 

even  the  animals  were  forced  to  participate,  and  the 
whole  population  and  the  beasts  were  garbed  in  sack- 
cloth. To  Jonah's  intense  mortification,  Jahveh  re- 
pented in  view  of  this  situation,  the  place  was  not 
destroyed,  and  the  prophet  was  reproved  for  his 
narrowness. 

The  story  cannot  be  taken  as  a  literal  record  of  facts, 
though  the  older  interpreters  so  understood  it.  There 
maybe  a  small  historical  element,  though  it  is  difficult 
to  pick  out  anything  very  satisfactory,  and  it  is  unnec- 
essary, for  the  point  of  the  tale  lies  not  in  the  story  but 
in  the  moral.  The  book  shows  the  thoroughgoing 
priestly  conception  of  religion.  The  thing  which  God 
supremely  desires  is  fasting  and  sackcloth.  The  more 
general  these  are,  the  more  God  is  pleased  and  the 
more  likely  He  will  be  to  intercede  for  His  people. 

The  poem  has  no  fitness  in  the  story.  The  poet 
speaks  of  being  cast  into  the  seas,  used,  as  often  in 
the  Psalms,  figuratively  of  distress,  and  the  compiler 
has  taken  his  thought  very  literally,  or  found  in  these 
phrases  sufficient  justification  for  the  incorporation 
of  the  poem  into  the  story.  The  poem  is  not  a  prayer 
for  deliverance  from  a  present  danger,  but  a  thanks- 
giving for  a  danger  that  is  past. 

The  book  is  not  by  Jonah  the  son  of  Amittai,  a 
pophet  of  the  time  of  Jeroboam  H  (2  Ki.  xv,  25). 
There  is  no  heading  containing  a  date  or  author.  All 
indications  point  to  the  post-exilic  period,  but  the 
book  is  too  general  to  afford  data  for  determining  its 
date  very  accurately.  Bewer  holds  that  it  is  as  early 
as  the  third  century  because  Jonah  is  named  by  Sirah 
(xlix,  10). 


V. 
THE  HAGIOGRAPHA 

THE  Kethubim  is  the  Hebrew  name  of  the  third 
part  of  the  canon.  This  word  means  writings^ 
and  the  more  commmon  term  Hagiographa,  which  is 
Greek,  merely  prefixes  an  adjective  sacred.  It  is  rather 
absurd  to  apply  to  the  latest  part  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment a  term  which  better  fits  the  whole,  for  surely 
the  witings  in  this  division  are  not  more  sacred  than 
the  others. 

This  part  of  the  canon  comprises  a  miscellaneous 
collection  of  books,  for  in  it  writings  of  every  kind 
are  gathered,  all  that  had  not  found  a  place  under  the 
divisions  of  the  law  or  of  the  prophets.  From  a  lit- 
erary point  of  view,  we  note  that  there  is  a  collection 
of  poetical  books,— Psalms,  Job,  Proverbs,  Canticles, 
Lamentations.  Two  of  these  again,  Canticles,  Lam- 
entations, are  classified  with  the  Megilloik(seQ  below), 
and  two  others.  Job,  Proverbs,  with  the  wisdom  books. 
In  this  chapter  all  the  books  of  this  division  of  the 
canon  receive  some  notice  except  Chronicles-Ezra- 
Nehemiah,  which  have  been  discussed  in  connection 
with  the  other  historical  books  (Ch.  Ill,  pp.  1^7^-)- 

The  Book  of  Psalms 

This  book  contains  the  religious  poetry  of  the  na- 
tion. The  poems  are  of  many  kinds,  and  they  come 
from  many  hands  and  many  ages.     We  shall  fail  to 


THE  PROPHETIC  LITER  A  TURE  255 

grasp  the  scope  of  the  Psalter  unless  we  realize  that 
it  is  the  product  of  a  national  life,  the  great  souls 
breathing  into  beautiful  rythm  the  emotions  of  their 
various  ages  and  schools.  The  religious  concept  of  a 
nation's  whole  history  are  gathered  here,  hence  the 
Psalms  serve  so  admirably  as  the  world's  hymn  book. 
In  the  Hebrew  Bible  the  Psalms  are  divided  into  five 
books,  as  follows:  i,  Pss.  i-xli;  2,  xliii-lxxi;  3,  Ixxiii- 
Ixxxix;  4,  xc-cvi;  5,  cvii-cl.  The  end  of  each  book 
is  marked  by  a  refrain,  "Blessed  be  Jahveh,"  etc., 
and  at  the  end  of  2  there  is  the  colophon,  "the  prayers 
of  David  the  son  of  Jesse  are  ended,"  though  Davidic 
psalms  occur  in  all  of  the  other  books.  This  fact 
shows  conclusively  that  our  book  is  made  up  of  collec- 
tions which  once  existed  separately. 

Many  of  the  psalms  have  titles,  giving  the  character 
of  the  poem,  the  name  of  the  author,  and  sometimes  a 
historical  setting.  Those  which  are  devoid  of  titles 
are  called  orphans.  In  book  i  the  orphans  are  i,  ii,  x, 
xxxiii,  and  all  the  others  are  ascribed  to  David.  Ps. 
x  is  really  a  part  of  Ps.  ix,  and  Ps.  i  is  introductory, 
so  that  there  are  only  two  poems  which  are  not  Da- 
vidic. Book  I  is  therefore  peeminently  a  Davidic 
collection.  In  book  2  there  is  first  a  group  of  psalms 
ascribed  to  "the  sons  of  Korah"  (xl-xlx),^  then  one 
ascribed  to  Asaph  (1),  a  goup  of  Davidic  pslams  (li- 
Ixv,  Ixvii-lxx),  one  to  Solomon  (Ixxii),  and  two  are 


^  Ps.  xliii  has  no  title  because  it  is  really  the  third  stanza  of 
Ps.  xlii. 


256  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

orphans  (Ixvi,  Ixxi).  In  the  main,  therefore,  this 
book  is  made  up  of  two  collections, — a  Korahitic  and 
a  Davidic  group. 

Book  3  also  consists  chiefly  of  two  collections,  one 
ascribed  to  Asaph  (Ixxiii-lxxxiii),  the  other  to  *'the 
sons  of  Korah"  (Ixxxiv-lxxxviii).  One  psalm  is  Da- 
vidic (Ixxxvi),  one  is  assigned  to  Ethan  the  Ezrahite 
(Ixxxix),  and  one  is  assigned  both  to  the  sons  of  Korah 
and  to  Heman  the  Ezrahite  (Ixxxviii).  It  is  significant 
that  there  is  but  a  single  Davidic  psalm  in  the  book 
following  the  colophon  **the  prayers  of  David  the  son 
of  Jesse  are  ended"  (Ixxii,  20).  In  book  4  one  psalm 
is  ascribed  to  Moses  (xc),  two  to  David  (ci,  ciii), 
while  all  the  others  are  orphans,  so  that  this  book 
consists  mostly  of  anonymous  poems.  In  book  5 
there  are  many  Davidic  psalms  (cviii-cx,  cxxii,  cxxiv, 
cxxxi,  cxxxiii,  cxxxviii-cxlv),  these  psalms  not  being 
grouped  as  in  other  books,  but  for  the  most  part 
widely  scattered.  One  psalm  is  ascribed  to  Solomon 
(cxxvii),  and  the  rest  are  orphans. 

To  sum  up,  there  are  seventy-three  psalms  credited 
to  David,  of  which  seventy  are  found  in  three  books, 
thirty-seven  in  book  i,  eighteen  in  book  2,  and  fif- 
teen in  book  5 ;  twelve  are  assigned  to  Asaph,  all  but 
one  in  book  3 ;  eleven  are  ascribed  to  the  sons  of  Korah, 
seven  in  book  i  and  four  in  book  3;  two  are  credited 
to  Solomon  (Ixxii,  cxxvii)  and  one  each  to  Moses  (xc), 
to  Ethan  (Ixxxix),  and  to  Heman  (Ixxxviii),  in  a  com- 
posite title. 

In  the  Septuagint  the  titles  differ  very  much  from 


THE  HAGIOGRAPHA  257 

those  of  the  Hebrew  text,  many  orphans  especially 
being  assigned  to  David,  showing  the  tendency  to 
increase  the  number  of  Davidic  poems.  In  the  Greek 
text,  further,  there  is  a  difference  of  arrangement: 
Pss.  ix  and  x  are  combined  as  one,  as  they  were  orig- 
inally, and  to  make  the  total  number  150  there  is  an 
additional  psalm  in  the  Lxx  which  is  not  found  in  the 
Hebrew  text. 

To  return  to  the  Hebrew  titles,  it  is  a  surprising 
fact  that  the  Asaphic  collection  (1,  Ixxiii-lxxxiii)  is 
broken,  one  psalm  being  separated  from  its  fellows. 
These  must  originally  have  stood  together,  and  the 
two  parts  are  now  disjointed  by  the  insertion  of  an 
essentially  Davidic  collection.  In  the  same  way  the 
Korahitic  collection  is  forced  asunder  by  the  inser- 
tion of  the  before-named  Davidic  collection  and  the 
Asaphic  group.  This  confusion  all  occurs  in  books  2 
and  3,  and  these  two  books  must  therefore  have  previ- 
ously been  one,  containing  essentially  three  original 
collections,— a  Davidic,  an  Asaphic  and  a  Korahitic. 
The  division  between  books  4  and  5  seems  also  to  be 
purely  arbitrary,  the  paslms  being  of  a  similar  char- 
acter, so  that  the  Psalter  is  naturally  divided  into 
three  great  collections,— i-xli,  xlii-lxxxix,  xc-cl. 

There  is  another  feature  of  the  Psalms  which  shows 
that  certain  groups  were  originally  separate  and  edited 
by  different  hands,  and  that  is  the  use  of  different 
names  for  God,  which  characterizes  certain  collec- 
tions. To  take  the  three  great  groups  outlined  above, 
in  the  first  the  collection  is  Jahvistic,  Jahveh  occur 


25S  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

ring  272  times,  Elohim  15  times  (the  figures  are  from 
Driver's  Introd.)\  the  second  is  Eiohistic,  Elohim  oc- 
curring 207  times,  Jahveh  74;  but  31  of  these  are  in 
the  second  Korahitic  group  (Ixxxiv-lxxxix),  which 
evidently  was  not  edited  by  the  Elohist.  In  the 
third  part  Jahveh  is  used  exclusively,  save  in  a  part 
of  Ps.  cviii,  which  is  a  duplicate.  That  this  phenom- 
enon is  not  an  accident  appears  from  the  fact  that  one 
psalm  occurs  in  two  of  the  groups,  in  one  of  which  it 
is  Jahvistic  (Ps.  xiv)  and  in  the  other  Eiohistic  (Ps. 
liii).  It  appears  therefore  that  one  great  group  rep- 
resents the  collection  of  the  Eiohistic  school,  while 
the  others  are  Jahvistic.  It  is  plain  that  the  use  of 
Elohim  in  these  psalms  is  for  the  most  part  the  re- 
sult of  editing.  It  seems  clear,  therefore,  that  the 
Eiohistic  group  must  have  been  used  by  a  different 
body  from  those  who  sang  the  Jahvistic  songs.  Un- 
fortunately our  knowledge  of  the  conditions  of  Hebrew 
life  is  not  sufficient  to  enable  us  to  be  more  exact. 
We  can  be  sure,  though,  that  in  the  edited  Psalter 
we  see  abundant  evidence  of  two  schools  of  thought 
and  two  parties  in  worship. 

The  statements  above  about  the  assumed  authors  is 
based  upon  the  common  translation  in  the  English 
Bible,— *'a  psalm  of  David,"  ''of  Asaph,"  etc.  As  a 
matter  of  fact,  a  rather  more  strictly  correct  render- 
ing is  "a  psalm  to  (or  for)  David";  and  this  would 
imply  that  the  "Davidic"  psalms  are  those  which  had 
been  dedicated  to  David.  Nevertheless  it  is  gener- 
ally agreed  that  the  editors  who  composed  these  head- 


THE  HAGIOGRAPHA  259 

ings,  long  after  the  psalms  were  written,  really  meant 
the  designation  "to  David"  to  involve  authorship. 

There  is  much  in  these  headings  besides  the  sup- 
posed name  of  the  author.  There  are  several  different 
words  to  indicate  the  character  of  the  poem,— /j-^/w, 
prayer^  michtam^  masckil,  song.  There  are  numerous 
notes  which  have  something  to  do  with  the  music, 
some  of  the  terms  being  of  uncertain  meaning.  Some 
give  the  occasion  for  which  the  song  is  adapted,  and 
have  the  character  of  rubrics:  thus  "a  song  for  the 
Sabbath  day"  (Ps.  Icii),  "a  psalm  for  the  thank- 
offering"  (Ps.  c),  '*a  prayer  of  the  afflicted"  (Ps.  cii), 
**a  song  for  the  dedication  of  the  house"  (Ps.  xxx). 
There  is  a  curious  case  in  which  a  rubric  has  strayed 
from  the  margin  into  the  body  of  the  song,  and  thus 
producing  a  curiously  inappropriate  sentence  in  the 
body  of  the  psalm ;  for  "Bind  the  sacrifice  with  cords 
to  the  horns  of  the  altar"  (Ps.  cxvii,  27)  is  evidently  a 
direction  for  the  priest's  assistants,  indicating  an  act 
to  be  done  while  the  choir  was  singing. 

There  are  several  headings  which  give  the  supposed 
historic  occasion  of  the  psalm.  These  are  all  in  the 
Davidic  groups.  Those  with  such  notes  are  vii,  xviii, 
xxxiv,  li.  Hi,  liv,  Ivii,  lix,  Ix,  Ixiii,  cxlii.  Except  the 
first  three  and  the  last,  these  are  in  the  second  great 
collection,  the  Elohistic  book.  The  compilers  do  not 
seem  to  have  been  very  well  informed,  for  in  the  head- 
ing to  Ps.  xxxiv  we  find  Abimeleck  as  the  Philistine 
king,  to  escape  whom  David  feigned  madness,  whereas 
the  name  should  be  Achish  (i  Sam.  xxi,  12  ff.).    There 


260  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

is  nothing  in  the  poem  to  make  it  particularly  appro- 
priate to  that  occasion,  and  that  comment  applies  to 
all  of  the  historic  notes.  David's  life  was  well  known, 
for  the  book  of  Samuel  is  older  than  the  collected 
Psalter,  and  certain  editors  attempted  to  fit  psalms 
to  as  many  incidents  as  possible,  especially  to  the 
period  of  Saul's  persecution.  But  the  poems  seldom 
show  any  close  connection  with  the  incident  given  in 
the  heading. 

There  is  an  interesting  group  of  psalms  in  book  5 
(Pss.  cxx-cxxxiv),  often  called  the  Pilgrim  Psalter,  in 
which  each  song  has  the  heading  **a  song  of  ascents." 
The  word  rendered  ascents  is  pretty  comprehensive, 
meaning  stairs^  steps,  stories,  ascents.  Therefore  it  is 
impossible  to  be  certain  of  the  sense  intended  here. 
Many  hold  that  these  songs  were  sung  by  the  pilgrims 
who  went  up  to  the  annual  festivals  at  Jerusalem. 
Others  contend  that  the  gomg  up  is  from  the  cap- 
tivity in  Babylonia,  and  many  of  these  songs  do  fit 
well  in  the  period  of  the  Restoration.  It  is,  at  all 
events,  a  collection  of  very  inspiring  hymns. 

Another  striking  collection  is  the  Hallel  group, 
many  of  which  begin  or  end  with  the  word  hallelujah 
("praise  Jahveh").  Briggs  includes  four  small  col- 
lections in  this  group, — civ-cvii;  cxi-cxvii ;  cxxxv- 
cxxxvi;  cxlvi-cl.  The  note  of  praise  is  found  in 
other  psalms,  but  it  is  preeminent  in  this  collection, 
especially  in  the  last  group,  in  which  that  note  is  sus- 
tained throughout.  Grander  hymns  of  praise  cannot 
be  found  anywhere. 


THE  HAGIOGRAPHA  261 

There  are  several  historic  poems,  those  which  re- 
view the  history  of  Israel  after  the  prophetic  manner, 
to  show  how  good  Jahveh  was  to  His  people,  and  how 
poorly  they  requited  His  kindness.  The  most  perfect 
examples  are  Pss.  cv,  cvi. 

Another  group  comprises  the  penitential  psalms 
(vi,  xxxii,  xxxviii,  li,  cii,  cxxx,  cxliii),  all  appointed  for 
the  service  of  Ash-Wednesday,  and  all  but  two,  cii, 
cxxx,  ascribed  to  David.  Penitence  is  expressed  here 
and  there  in  many  other  psalms,  but  it  stands  out 
strongly  in  this  group.  It  w^ould  be  difficult  to  find 
another  lyric  in  which  a  soul  is  laid  bare  in  such  touch- 
ing terms  as  in  Ps.  li,  marred  unfortunately  by  the 
later  addition  at  the  end  (vv.  i8,  ig).  The  psalm  is 
really  anti-sacrificial,  like  the  prophets,  and  like  Ps. 
xl,  but  some  editor  has  composed  an  appendix  in  which 
Jahveh's  joy  in  sacrifices  is  brought  out  boldly. 

There  is  an  erotic  poem  in  the  collection,  and  the 
character  of  the  psalm  is  fearlessly  indicated  by  an 
editor  who  put  in  the  title  "a  song  of  loves"  (Ps. 
xlv).  It  is  one  of  the  royal  psalms,  and  seems  to  be 
a  celebration  of  the  king's  marriage.  From  its  sub- 
ject-matter it  is  comparable  to  the  poems  in  the  Song 
of  Songs.  On  the  basis  of  an  allegorical  interpreta- 
tion this  song  has  been  received  in  a  Messianic  sense, 
and  therefore  is  one  of  the  proper  psalms  for  Christ- 
mas Day. 

As  there  are  wisdom  books,  so  there  are  wisdom 
psalms,  those  in  which  the  philosophical  note  is  prom- 
inent.   A  good  illustration  is  Ps.  Ixxiii,  a  magnificent 


262  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

poem  dealing  with  the  same  great  problem  as  the  book 
of  Job.  The  poet  was  troubled  because  he  saw  as  a 
matter  of  fact  that  the  wicked  were  prosperous  while 
the  righteous  suffered  adversity.  The  fact  impressed 
him  so,  and  was  so  contrary  to  his  theological  convic- 
tion, that  he  wellnigh  lost  his  faith  (vv.  2f.).  The 
solution  came  to  him  in  the  sanctuary  (v.  17),  where 
Isaiah  saw  his  great  vision.  The  poet  conceived 
that  the  good  fortunes  of  the  wicked  would  come  to 
an  end  suddenly;  that  God  really  set  them  in  slippery 
places,  and  that  their  feet  would  slide  in  due  time 
{cf.  Ps.  xxxvii,  35  f.).  Another  example  is  Ps.  xlii- 
iii,  the  problem  of  which  is  the  cause  of  the  jeering 
remark,  ''Where  is  thy  God?"  There  is  no  system 
worked  out  in  this  poem,  but  there  is  a  fine  expression 
of  a  confident  faith  that  God  would  justify  His  servant. 
Ps.  xlix  is  of  this  type,  though  the  problem  is  slightly 
different.  The  difficulty  which  the  poet  tries  to  solve 
is  the  arrogance  of  the  rich.  The  solution  is  not  far 
to  seek,  and  this  poet  sees  that  wealth  is  too  insub- 
stantial to  put  one's  trust  in,  for  death  is  the  great 
leveller;  and  the  grave  separates  a  man  from  his  sub- 
stance. 

No  treatment  of  the  Psalter  would  be  complete 
which  did  not  take  cognizance  of  the  imprecatory 
psalms,  those  in  which  maledictions  are  heaped  upon 
the  heads  of  an  enem}^.  The  psalms  are  pretty  num- 
erous in  which  this  element  appears  here  and  there. 
The  vindictive  outburst  occurs  sometimes  in  an  other- 
wise beautiful  poem.     No  one  has  ever  expressed  the 


THE  HAGIOGRAPHA  263 

pathos  of  an  exile's  pain  more  touchingly  than  the 
poet  who  wrote  Ps.  cxxxvii ;  and  no  one  ever  poured 
out  more  bitter  execrations  against  his  enemies  than 
this  same  poet.  It  fairly  makes  a  sensitive  soul 
shudder  as  he  reads  the  last  verse  of  that  song.  There 
are  two  psalms  in  which  the  imprecatory  note  is  so 
strong  and  so  sustained  that  it  is  a  wonder  they  have 
kept  their  places  in  the  service  of  a  Christian  church, 
Pss.  Ixix,  cix.  Of  the  two  the  latter  is  by  far  the 
worst,  for  a  large  part  of  this  poem  (vv.  6-20)  is  a 
series  of  imprecations  which  breathe  the  very  antithesis 
of  the  Christian  spirit.  It  is  easy  to  understand  the 
genesis  of  such  poems,  and  to  sympathize  with  their 
authors.  They  come  from  the  ages  of  persecution, 
like  that  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes.  Those  who  were 
striving  to  serve  God  most  faithfully  paid  a  terrible 
penalty  for  their  fidelity,  and  it  is  not  surprising  that 
a  Jew,  when  every  other  weapon  failed  him,  was  con- 
strained to  employ  curses  as  a  last  resort. 

There  are  several  acrostic  poems  in  the  Psalter. 
Ps.  ix-x  is  a  case  in  point,  and  this  acrostic  arrange- 
ment is  one  of  the  positive  proofs  of  the  original  unity 
of  the  poem.  But  this  feature  shows  here  and  else- 
where how  much  the  text  has  been  corrupted,  largely 
by  editorial  changes,  for  the  alphabetic  system  is  only 
discoverable  in  a  part  of  the  psalm  as  it  has  come 
down  to  us.  The  most  striking  case  is  Ps.  cxix,  which 
consist  of  twenty-two  strophes  of  eight  lines  each, 
and  each  of  these  eight  lines  begins  with  the  same 
letter  of  the  alphabet.     The  other  acrostics  are  Pss. 


264  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

XXV,  xxxiv,  xxxvii,  cxi,  cxii,  cxlv.  To  xxv  and  xxxiv 
the  last  verse  is  a  later  addition,  made  for  liturgical 
purposes.  The  supplementary  character  of  the  verses 
is  shown  by  the  fact  that  the  penultimate  verse  begins 
with  the  last  letter  of  the  Hebrew  alphabet. 

In  regard  to  the  date  of  the  Psalter,  the  problem  is 
complex,  and  therefore  misconceived.  It  is  as  if  one 
were  to  ask  the  date  of  a  hymnal ;  the  collection  can 
be  traced  to  a  fixed  period,  but  the  contents  embrace 
the  products  of  all  the  Christian  ages.  It  used  to  be 
regarded  as  a  commonplace  among  the  more  radical 
scholars  that  all  the  psalms  were  exilic  or  later.  One 
would  scarcely  venture  on  such  an  assertion  to-day. 
From  the  nature  of  the  case  it  would  be  strange  if 
there  were  not  hymns  ancient  and  modern  in  the  book 
of  Psalms.  Doubtless  there  are  many  from  the  pre- 
exilic  period,  possibly  some  as  early  as  ''the  Sweet 
Singer  of  Israel";  it  is  certain  that  some  of  them 
come  from  as  late  as  the  age  of  the  Maccabees;  Ps. 
Ixxiv  certainly  fits  that  period  better  than  any  other 
we  know.  The  real  problem  is  the  dating  of  each 
separate  psalm,  and  as  we  have  nothing  at  all  as  a 
guide  save  internal  evidence,  it  is  plain  that  as  a  rule 
the  results  are  open  to  grave  question.  If  we  had  no 
external  data  to  enable  us  to  fix  the  date  and  occasion 
of  Newman's  hymn,  Lead  Kmdly  Light,  we  might 
from  the  imagination  fit  it  into  the  lives  of  any  num- 
ber of  souls.  Even  the  editors  who  prefixed  the  titles 
of  the  psalms  relied  apparently  on  internal  evidence. 
Because  they  found  a  reference  to  the  temple  building 


THE  HAGIOGRAPHA  265 

in  Ps.  cxxvii,  it  was  ascribed  to  Solomon;  because 
they  read  a  story  of  deep  penitence  in  Ps.  li,  they  as- 
signed it  to  David.  We  have  no  data  that  were  not 
open  to  them,  and  may  well  be  extremely  cautious  in 
our  attempts  to  date  the  psalms. 

It  is  a  pity  that  the  Church  is  so  bound  to  a  purely 
mechanical  method  of  using  these  wonderful  religious 
poems.  They  are  read  in  order  without  any  reference 
to  subject,  so  that  we  have  to  jump  from  one  emotion 
to  another,  with  only  a  gloria  in  between.  Then 
every  psalm  is  read  and  every  part,  except  the  head- 
ings, without  the  slightest  reference  to  their  power 
to  edify.  Several  of  the  psalms  ought  to  be  discarded 
altogether,  and  parts  of  others  should  be  excided. 
This  does  not  mean  that  we  should  revise  the  book  of 
Psalms.  In  its  place  every  line  has  its  own  great  value ; 
but  it  does  mean  that  we  should  have  a  revised  edi- 
tion to  use  as  a  Christian  hymnal. 

Job 

In  the  literature  of  the  world  there  is  scarcely  to  be 
found  a  finer  production  than  the  book  of  Job. 

The  prologue  (cc.  i,  ii),  the  introduction  to  the 
Elihu  speeches  (xxxii,  1-5),  and  the  epilogue  (xlii, 
7-17),  are  in  prose,  and  the  rest  is  in  poetry,  and 
usually  of  a  high  order. 

The  subject  of  this  immortal  book  is  the  problem  of 
evil;  the  book  therefore  belongs  to  the  wisdom  litera- 
ture of  the  Old  Testament.  To  this  class  belong  also 
the  books  of  Proverbs  and  Ecclesiastes.    The  wisdom 


266  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

books  are  the  philosophical  treatises,  those  in  which 
the  Hebrew  wise  men  sought  to  solve  the  mysteries 
of  life. 

According  to  Hebrew  teaching,  good  and  evil  alike 
come  from  God.  An  illuminating  case  is  the  expla- 
nation of  Saul's  madness  as  the  result  of  the  departure 
of  **the  spirit  of  Jahveh"  and  the  coming  of  **an  evil 
spirit  from  Jahveh"  (i  Sam.  xvi,  14).  The  prophets 
with  one  voice  taught  that  every  calamity  which  befell 
the  nation  was  sent  from  Jahveh.  The  doctrine  went 
further,  insisting  that  Jahveh  sent  evil  to  the  bad  and 
good  to  the  righteous,  whether  an  individual  or  a  na- 
tion. The  whole  book  of  Deuteronomy  enforces  the 
teaching  that  the  nation's  weal  or  woe  depended  en- 
tirely upon  their  faithfulness  to  the  divine  law.  The 
doctrine  of  the  prophets  was  of  the  same  tenor,  and 
this  theory  of  good  and  evil  came  to  be  the  orthodox 
faith  of  Judaism.  In  the  book  of  Job  this  received 
theology  is  seriously  questioned. 

The  book  is  divided  into  five  sections,  and  these 
are  for  the  most  part  quite  independent  productions. 
Each  part  must  be  studied  separately. 

I.  The  prologue  (i,  ii). — This  was  probably  writ- 
ten as  an  introduction  to  the  poem,  and  yet  in  many 
respects  it  gives  quite  a  different  picture  from  the 
body  of  the  discourses  which  follow.  Job  is  a  differ- 
ent character  and  the  teaching  is  different.  It  is  my 
belief  that  the  prologue  is  composite,  the  original  being 
i,  1-5,  13-22;  ii,  8-13,  to  which  the  Satan  episodes  (i, 


THE  HAGIOGRAPHA  267 

6-12;  ii,  1-7)  are  a  later  addition.  The  original,  then, 
told  of  Job's  piety  and  prosperity,  of  the  terrible  ca- 
lamities which  overtook  him,  and  of  the  coming  of 
his  three  friends.  This  part  is  complete  in  itself  and 
gives  all  the  facts  necessary  as  a  basis  for  the  poem. 
As  it  offers  no  explanation  of  the  facts,  it  does  not 
conflict  with  the  body  of  the  book.  A  later  hand, 
belonging  to  a  period  when  the  doctrine  of  Satan  had 
been  developed,  has  added  the  Satan  stories  to  give 
his  own  conception  of  the  cause  of  Job's  woe.  This 
part  of  the  prologue  takes  away  the  raison  d'etre  of 
the  discussion,  for  if  Satan  has  brought  this  woe  on 
an  innocent  man,  the  speeches  all  miss  the  point. 
There  is  absolutely  no  reference  anywhere  in  the 
poem  to  the  part  played  by  Satan,  and  the  speeches 
of  Jahveh  may  fairly  be  said  to  exclude  it. 

Satan  is  conceived  here  as  one  who  doubts  all  vir- 
tue, and  who  uses  every  art  in  his  power  to  turn  men 
away  from  a  righteous  course.  His  object  is  to  bring 
Job  to  a  state  in  which  he  will  renounce  God.  He 
believes  that  Job  is  good  only  because  God  has  so 
richly  blessed  him.  He  is  conceived  as  persistent 
in  his  quest,  for  when  he  fails  in  his  first  test,  he 
straightway  demands  another. 

There  is  as  yet  no  dualism,  for  Satan  has  no  power 
to  do  Job  any  harm  save  as  God  gives  him  permission ; 
and  in  each  trial  a  strict  limit  is  set  to  the  evil  he 
may  do.  The  position  is  not  very  satisfactorily 
worked  out,  for  it  is  inconceivable  that  God  should 
permit  such  awful  evil  to  come  to  a  faithful  servant 


268  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

merely  to  satisfy  the  adversary  of  man  that  Job's  vir- 
tue would  stand  any  test. 

2.  Job's  discussion  with  his  friends  (iii-xxxi). — 
There  are  three  cycles  of  speeches,  each  cycle  embrac- 
ing a  speech  of  each  of  the  three  friends  and  Job's 
reply,  so  that  all  through  the  dialogue  every  alternate 
speech  belongs  to  Job. 

It  has  been  held  that  each  of  the  three  disputants 
occupies  a  different  position,  Eliphaz  being  regarded 
as  the  depository  of  a  revelation,  Bildad  as  the  advo- 
cate of  tradition,  and  Zophar  as  the  man  of  common 
sense.  A  careful  study  of  the  speeches  fails  to  find 
justification  for  this  contention.  The  three  friends 
all  hold  exactly  the  same  theological  position,  and 
all  explain  Job's  sufferings  in  the  same  way, —  that 
is,  as  due  to  his  own  sin.  This  position  is  brought 
out  with  increasing  clearness  as  the  argument  pro- 
gresses and  the  disputants  wax  warm  in  their  con- 
tentions. 

Job  breaks  a  seven-days'  silence  by  pronouncing  a 
curse  upon  the  day  he  was  born,  and  expressing  a 
desire  for  death,  by  which  alone  relief  can  come  to 
him.  Job's  heat  is  very  manifest,  and  his  vaunted 
patience  is  not  easy  to  see,  here  or  elsewhere.  But 
we  must  admit  that  his  provocation  was  great;  for  he 
had  always  been  a  faithful  servant  of  God, — the  pro- 
logue credits  him  with  that, — and  he  asserts  his  inno- 
cence from  the  first  note  to  the  last.  In  spite  of  his 
unusual  integrity  he  had  been  called  upon  to  endure 


THE  HAGIOGRAFHA  269 

the  loss  of  all  of  his  property  and  of  his  children,  and 
had  become  the  victim  of  the  worst  form  of  leprosy, 
one  of  the  most  loathsome  of  human  diseases. 

The  three  friends  sincerely  try  to  comfort  and  help 
the  sufferer.  It  is  plain  that  their  original  object  was 
not  to  add  bitterness  to  his  misery  by  chiding.  But 
they  were  dominated  by  a  theory.  However  tender 
and  delicate  was  their  approach  to  the  burning  ques- 
tion, however  much  they  knew  of  Job's  virtue,  and 
however  ignorant  they  were  of  any  vice,  they  were 
sure  that  his  misfortunes  must  be  the  result  of  his 
sin.  Their  consideration  at  the  beginning  but  poorly 
disguises  their  real  position,  and  the  implication,  ulti- 
mately developed  to  a  definite  charge,  goads  the  suf- 
ferer into  speech  that  is  not  deeply  pious.  For  Job 
insists  that  he  has  done  no  wrong,  and  therefore  their 
explanation  of  his  sufferings  is  worthless.  He  is  led 
to  the  fiat  denial  of  the  orthodox  doctrine  of  evil  on 
the  convincing  ground  that  it  is  not  conistent  with 
the  facts  of  life,  either  of  his  life  or  that  of  others. 

This  part  of  the  poem  unfortunately  is  in  a  state  of 
confusion  at  the  end  (cc.  xxv-xxviii).  As  the  text 
stands,  Zophar  does  not  speak  in  the  third  cycle. 
This  fact  in  itself  would  heighten  the  dramatic  power, 
as  Zophar's  failure  to  speak  would  suggest  the  silenc- 
ing of  Job's  opponents.  But  as  the  material  is  arranged 
Job  speaks  at  last  from  the  same  position  as  his  friends 
and  then  reverts  to  his  own  standpoint  in  the  general 
review  of  his  case  (cc.  xxix-xxxi).  Several  scholars 
have  attempted  to  rearrange  the  material  so  as  to  make 


270  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

the  cycle  complete;  and  still  the  results  but  partly 
satisfy  the  reader.  The  fact  is  that  the  book  of  Job 
has  been  extensively  worked  over  by  editors  to  make 
it  conform  to  the  orthodox  view,  and  the  effort  to 
bring  Job  to  that  position  has  seriously  marred  the 
closing  part  of  the  discussion.  It  is  very  likely  that 
some  of  the  third  cycle  has  been  deliberately  excised. 

3.  The  speeches  of  Elihu  (cc.  xxxii-xxxvii). — There 
is  a  rather  long  prose  introduction  to  this  new  speaker, 
though  he  elaborately  introduces  himself  in  his 
speeches.  There  are  four  of  these  discourses:  xxxii, 
6-xxxiii;  xxxiv;  xxxv;  xxxvi  f .  These  speeches  as- 
sume that  the  dialogue  had  ended  because  the  three 
disputants  had  found  nothing  more  to  say.  The 
speaker  had  waited  because  of  his  youth,  but  finally 
was  forced  to  utterance,  lest  Job  should  think  his 
arguments  unanswerable.  Elihu  implies  that  he  has 
an  important  contribution  to  make,  and  is  certainly 
not  lacking  in  confidence. 

These  speeches  are  undoubtedly  a  later  addition  to 
the  book.  Elihu  is  nowhere  referred  to  outside  of 
his  own  words.  The  passage  introductory  to  the  dia- 
logue (ii,  11-13)  excludes  his  presence.  Jahveh  finally 
condems  the  three  friends  (xlii,  7-9),  but  does  not 
mention  Elihu  who  was  entitled  to  the  same  reproof. 
Job  does  not  answer  Elihu,  implying  that  he  had  no 
answer  to  make,  whereas  it  is  the  speeches  of  Jahveh 
which  silence  Job.  In  spite  of  his  abundant  promises, 
Elihu  does  not  contribute  anything  new  to  the  dis- 


THE  HAGIOGRAPHA  271 

cussion,  for  there  is  not  one  of  his  points  that  is  not 
covered  in  the  preceding  discourses  of  the  three 
friends.  Finally  the  style  is  decidedly  inferior  to  the 
rest  of  the  book.  This  part  is  the  latest  of  all  the 
material  in  the  book  of  Job. 

4.  The  speeches  of  Jahveh  (xxxviii-xlii,  6). — The 
speeches  are  separated  by  a  short  address  from  Job 
(xl,  3-5),  and  Job  speaks  at  the  close,  acknowledging 
his  complete  defeat  (xlii,  1-6).  It  is  natural  to  sup- 
pose that  the  author  attempts  here  to  say  the  last 
word  on  this  subject,  and  therefore  makes  Jahveh  the 
speaker.  The  speeches  do  not  deal  specfically  with 
the  problem  of  evil,  but  rather  are  pleas  for  the  in- 
adequacy of  all  human  knowledge.  The  point  is  that 
man  knows  too  little  to  justify  his  questioning  of  the 
ways  of  Providence. 

The  first  speech  (xxxviii-xl,  2),  is  a  development 
of  the  argument  from  design,  and  is  a  wonderful  piece 
of  description.  The  speech  is  a  record  of  the  won- 
derful things  in  the  world,  which  man  knows  as  facts, 
but  which  he  can  neither  control  nor  explain. 

The  second  speech  (xl,  6-xli)  beigns  with  a  chal- 
lenge to  the  one  who  had  sought  the  opportunity  to 
confront  God  (xl,  6-14)  and  then  strangely  jumps  to 
very  elaborate  descriptions  of  two  great  monsters, 
behemoth  (the  hippopotamus)  (xl,  15-24)  and  leviathan 
(the  crocodile)  (xli).  The  presence  of  the  long-drawn- 
out  descriptions  of  these  strange  beasts  is  one  of  the 
puzzles  of  this  difficult  book.  It  is  not  unlikely  that 
they  are  later  additions. 


272  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

5.  The  epilogue  (xlii,  7-17). — Jahveh  reproves  the 
three  friends  on  account  of  the  error  of  their  views, 
and  commends  Job.  Job  is  restored  to  his  condition 
of  prosperity,  and  dies  in  a  good  old  age.  There  is 
nothing  said  about  the  healing  of  his  disease.  The 
disease  belongs  wholly  to  one  of  the  Satan  stories, 
and  the  silence  on  this  point  reenforces  my  contention 
that  those  stories  are  later  additions.  As  Jahveh 
commends  Job's  speech,  which  is  certainly  contrary 
to  the  speeches  of  Jahveh,  the  epilogue  may  be  earlier 
than  those  speeches.  The  restoration  of  Job's  pros- 
perity brings  the  book  back  to  the  orthodox  position, 
as  the  patriarch  is  in  the  end  rewarded  for  his  in- 
tegrity. 

The  position  of  the  book  on  the  problem  of  evil  is 
not  a  single  one.  Each  contributor  gave  his  own  ideas, 
so  that  the  complete  work  contains  a  sort  of  compen- 
dium of  theories.  In  the  prologue,  or  at  least  in  one 
part  of  it,  Satan  is  the  source  of  the  evil  that  comes 
to  man,  and  virtue  not  only  affords  no  guarantee 
against  suffering,  but  may  invite  it.  In  the  colloquies 
the  position  is  negative.  The  author  evidently  speaks 
through  Job,  not  through  his  friends;  but  his  sole 
effort  is  to  combat  the  prevalent  view  without  offering 
a  substitute.  In  the  speeches  of  Jahveh  the  problem 
of  evil  is  treated  as  a  mystery  beyond  man's  power  to 
solve.  The  epilogue  returns  to  the  received  theory 
that  goodness  in  the  end  is  sure  to  be  rewarded. 

In  this  day  very  few  people  would  contend  for  the 
historicity  of    this  book,   though  that  position  was 


THE  HAGIOGRAPHA  273 

Stoutly  insisted  on  a  few  years  ago.  The  book  is  so 
conspicuously  a  doctrinal  treatise  that  any  other  in- 
terest seems  quite  foreign  to  the  authors.  Whether 
Job  was  a  real  person  or  not  seems  an  unimportant 
question  the  moment  we  try,  with  the  author,  to 
penetrate  the  mystery  of  life. 

The  date  of  this  book  is  one  problem  for  the  book 
as  a  whole,  another  for  the  various  parts.  There  is 
good  reason  to  believe  that  the  colloquies  are  the  ear- 
liest and  the  speeches  of  Elihu  the  latest  productions. 
To  determine  the  date  of  the  colloquies  (iii-xxxi),  an- 
other question  has  to  be  raised:  does  the  book  treat 
of  an  individual,  or  is  the  subject  really  the  nation? 
If  Israel's  woes  are  the  subject  of  the  author's  inves- 
tigation, then  the  book  would  fit  almost  any  period 
in  or  after  the  exile.  But  I  see  no  reason  for  the 
modern  tendency  towards  this  national  interpretation. 
The  fact  is  that  the  author  of  the  book  of  Job  was 
primarily  concerned  with  a  tremendous  philosophical 
problem,  a  problem  that  has  its  application  both  to 
individual  and  to  national  life. 

The  date  of  an  immortal  production  is  really  of  little 
consequence.  As  a  whole  the  book  of  Job  probably 
comes  from  the  Greek  age,  though,  as  shown  above, 
parts  of  it  are  much  earlier. 

The  Proverbs 

The  easy-going  traditional  interpretation  assigned 
the  whole  book  of  Proverbs  to  Solomon.    On  the  basis 
of  the  tales  of  Solomon's  wisdom  (i  Ki.  iii,  x)  and 
19 


274  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

of  his  understanding  of  natural  philosophy  (i  Ki.  iv, 
33),  and  especially  of  the  statement  that  he  was  the 
author  of  many  proverbs  and  poems  (i  Ki.  iv,  xxxii), 
it  was  natural  that  the  students  of  an  undiscriminat- 
ing  age  should  credit  him  with  a  book  like  this. 

The  book  itself  tells  quite  another  story,  for  it  is 
on  the  surface  a  composite  production,  consisting  of 
a  number  of  different  collections.  We  can  scarcely 
do  better  than  to  consider  the  various  parts  as  they 
are  arranged  in  the  book  itself.  There  are  eight  sec- 
tions in  the  book  as  it  stands. 

I.  The  praise  of  wisdom  (cc.  i-ix). — In  i,  1-6,  there 
is  very  probably  the  introduction  to  the  whole  book. 
This  part  is  very  different  from  the  rest  of  the  book, 
for  it  is  a  poem  with  more  or  less  continuity  and  on  a 
single  subject.  The  author  is  giving  counsel  to  a  'son' 
or  disciple,  warning  him  of  the  dangers  he  will  meet 
in  life  and  exalting  wisdom  as  the  supremely  safe 
guide.  The  wise  man  is  the  one  who  knows  how  to 
live,  and  who  puts  his  knowledge  into  practice.  Wis- 
dom, therefore,  has  both  an  intellectual  and  a  moral 
content. 

This  part  consists  of  a  series  of  discourses,  although 
the  marks  of  division  are  not  always  very  plain.  First 
there  is  a  warning  against  being  led  astray  by  sinners, 
so  that  such  serious  crimes  as  robbery  and  murder 
result  (i,  7-19).  The  penalty  of  turning  away  from 
the  voice  of  wisdom  is  pictured  (i,  20-33).  The  power 
of  wisdom  to  keep  one  free  from  the  influence  of  bad 


THE  HAGIOGRAPHA  275 

men  and  bad  women  is  the  theme  of  c.  ii.  A  distinct 
religious  note  appears  in  iii,  1-12,  trust  in  Jahveh  be- 
ing commended,  whether  He  blesses  or  afflicts;  the 
praise  of  wisdom  is  then  sung,  and  its  place  as  an 
agent  of  God  is  depicted  (iii,  13-26);  and  this  is  fol- 
lowed by  specific  precepts  which  the  wise  man  will 
heed  (iii,  27-35).  There  is  a  long  section  (iv,  i-v,  6) 
which  is  an  appeal  to  the  pupil  to  get  wisdom,  and 
the  appeal  is  based  on  various  considerations:  wisdom 
has  come  down  from  father  to  son  (iv,  1-9);  it  will 
protect  its  possessor  from  evil  men  (iv,  10-19);  it  will 
keep  one  in  the  straight  path  of  virtue  (iv,  20-27);  and 
it  shields  from  the  wiles  of  the  strange  woman  (v,  i- 
6),  a  danger  emphasized  frequently  in  Proverbs,  and 
the  subject  of  the  paragraph  which  follows  (v,  7-23). 
There  are  warnings  against  three  dangers:  suretyship 
(vi,  1-5),  indolence  (vi,  6-1 1),  and  false  witness  (vi, 
12-19).  There  is  another  section  on  the  dangers  of 
the  bad  woman,  from  whose  snares  wisdom  is  a  suffi- 
cient protection  (vi,  20-35),  and  the  same  subject  is 
fully  developed  in  c.  vii.  The  praise  of  wisdom  is 
sung  aloud  in  c.  viii,  and  its  accomplishments  are 
dwelt  on.  In  part  of  the  chapter  wisdom  is  person- 
ified. The  place  of  wisdom  in  the  work  of  God  is 
described,  wisdom  being  with  him  from  the  beginning, 
and  pictured  in  a  fashion  reminding  us  of  the  logos 
doctrine  of  St.  John's  gospel  (vv.  22-31).  Finally, 
Wisdom  invites  all  to  partake  of  her  treasures  (ix,  1-6); 
some  counsel  against  scoffers  is  injected  (ix,  7-12); 
and  the  section  closes  with  a  picture  of  the  danger  of 


276  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


the  foolish  woman  (ix,   13-18),  which  may  stand  for 
Folly  as  contrasted  with  Wisdom. 

It  is  rather  remarkable  that  the  chief  danger  in  a 
man's  life,  according  to  this  writer,  is  that  of  the 
strange  woman.  Other  perils  are  indeed  noticed,  but 
this  vice  reappears  again  and  again  as  the  great  sin 
to  avoid  which  wisdom's  help  is  needed. 

2.  The  Proverbs  of  Solomo7i  (x,  i-xxii,  16) — The 
heading  shows  that  this  collection  was  attributed  to 
Solomon,  and  this  section  must  have  existed  separately 
and  as  a  complete  whole  when  our  present  book  was 
made  up.  Here  we  have  the  first  of  the  real  proverbs, 
and  all  of  them  are  in  the  form  of  distichs  except  one, 
xix,  7,  and  the  defect  in  the  form  in  that  case  must 
be  due  to  a  corruption  of  the  text. 

There  are  several  cases  of  the  repetition  of  proverbs, 
e.g.  X,  i=xv,  20;  x,  2=xi,  4;  xi,  i5=xvii,  i8=xx,  16, 
though  sometimes  with  a  slight  variation  of  language. 
This  may  be  due  to  the  fact  that  this  collection  was 
made  up  of  a  number  of  smaller  groups;  or  the  col- 
lector may  have  known  proverbs  which  varied  slightly 
in  form,  and  gathered  all  he  could  find,  carefully  pre- 
serving these  duplicates. 

It  frequently  happens  that  there  are  several  proverbs 
on  the  same  subject,  but  as  a  rule  these  are  scattered 
through  the  collection,  showing  that  the  compiler  was 
not  concerned  to  arrange  his  material  systematically, 
but  attempted  to  gather  these  terse  sayings  without 
much  reference  to  subject-matter.    The  proverbs  have 


THE  HAGIOGRAPHA  111 

not,  as  a  rule,  the  tone  of  popular  sayings,  but  are  worked 
out  with  a  good  deal  of  care,  and  show  the  fruits  of 
much  philosophical  reflection.  There  are  very  many 
cases  of  what  is  called  antithetic  parallelism,  though 
this  feature  is  most  marked  in  cc.  x-xv. 

The  proverbs  are  moral  precepts,  and  they  cover  a 
large  number  of  subjects.  Some  of  these,  naming 
chiefly  those  on  which  there  are  several  different  say- 
ings, are:  industry  (x,  4f.  ;  xi,  ii,  24;  xiii,  4;  xix, 
15,  24;  XX,  4);  wealth  (x,  15  ;  xii,  9;  xiii,  11 ;  xv,  16  f. ; 
xvi,  8,  19;  XX,  21 ;  xxii,  i);  the  problem  of  evil  (x,  16- 
30;  xi,  4,  10,  18-21 ;  xii,  7,  21 ;  xiii,  22);  the  right  use 
of  reproof  (x,  17;  xii,  i;  xiii,  i;  xv,  5,  10,  32);  truth- 
fulness (xii,  19,  22;  xiii,  5;  xiv,  5);  prudence  in 
speech  (x,  14;  xi,  13;  xii,  23;  xiii,  3;  xxi,  23);  control 
of  temper  (xiv,  17,  29;  xvi,  32);  the  sacred  lot  (xvi, 
33;xviii,  18);  woman  (xi,  22;  xii,  4;  xviii,  22;  xix, 
13;  xxi,  9,  19);  the  king  (xiv,  28,  34f. ;  xvi,  10,  12-15; 
xix,  12;  XX,  2,  8,  26,  28;  xxi,  I ;  xxii,  11). 

3.  The  words  of  the  wise  (xxii,  17-xxiv,  22). — The 
first  part  (xxii,  17-21)  is  a  hortatory  introduction.  It 
would  appear  that  the  collection  is  made  up  of  precepts 
given  by  a  teacher  to  a  pupil  who  had  been  sent  to 
him  to  learn  the  way  of  life.  This  introduction  bears 
a  certain  resemblance  to  the  preface  to  St.  Luke's 
gospel  (i,  1-4).  This  part  is  not  so  much  a  group  of 
gnomic  sayings  as  a  series  of  counsels,  each  point 
sustained  by  argument.  There  is  a  great  deal  about 
the  value  of  wisdom,  reminding  us  of  the  first  section 


278  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

of  the  book,  cc.  i-ix.  There  is  more  of  a  religious 
note  in  this  part  than  in  the  others,  the  author  fre- 
quently appealing  to  the  sanction  of  Jahveh  for  his 
advice.  On  the  whole,  the  counsel  is  that  of  a  prudent 
man  who  values  a  safe  way  of  living,  and  thus  the 
section  closes  with  a  warning  against  revolution  (xxiv, 
20-22).  The  tone  of  the  precepts  suggests  a  dangerous 
period,  when  evil-doers  abounded,  and  one  might  be 
tempted  to  undertake  impossible  things.  The  moral 
note  seems  to  rise  to  a  high  point  for  a  moment  in 
forbidding  joy  over  the  fall  of  an  enemy  (xxiv,  17), 
but  it  falls  to  earth  again  when  the  reason  is  given 
that  such  a  course  might  excite  Jahveh's  compassion 
towards  the  fallen  foe  (xxiv,  18).  There  is  a  short 
poem  embodied  in  the  sayings,  counselling  the  pupil 
against  the  danger  of  wine  drinking  (xxii,  29-35). 
As  in  the  first  section,  the  teacher  points  out  the 
dangers  from  the  bad  woman  (xxiii,  26-28). 

4.  Further  words  of  the  wise  (xxiv,  23-34). — This 
passage  has  the  very  short  heading:  "These  also  are 
of  the  wise."  It  is  an  appendix  to  section  3,  and  has 
much  the  same  character.  About  half  of  the  passage 
deals  with  the  perils  of  idleness  (vv.  30-34). 

5.  The  seco7id  group  of  the  Proverbs  of  Solomon 
(xxv-xxix). — There  is  an  interesting  heading  to  this 
collection:  "These  also  are  proverbs  of  Solomon 
which  the  men  of  Hezekiah  king  of  Judah  copied 
out"  (xxv,  i).  The  claim  is  that  this  group  was  made 
two  centuries  after  the  time  of  Solomon.     The  age  of 


THE  HA  GIOGRA  PHA  279 

Hezekiah  was  in  a  way  a  literary  age,  as  it  was  the 
golden  period  of  prophecy.  The  heading  implies  that 
this  group  was  added  to  the  book  long  after  the  time 
of  Hezekiah.  Whether  the  heading  conveys  trust- 
worthy information  or  not  is  a  disputed  question. 
Such  headings,  as  a  rule,  to  the  prophets  and  psalms 
do  not  bear  critical  investigation.  In  this  case,  how- 
ever, the  information  is  not  in  itself  improbable  except 
in  regard  to  the  Solomonic  authorship.  For  it  is 
perfectly  possible  that  proverbs  were  collected  as 
early  as  the  age  of  Hezekiah. 

The  group  must  be  divided  into  two  parts,  for  there 
is  considerable  difference  in  style  between  xxv-xxvii 
and  xxviii,  xxix.  The  former  is  more  like  ''the  words 
of  the  wise,"  the  latter  resembles  ''the  Proverbs  of 
Solomon"  (x-xxii,  i6).  The  heading  suggests  that 
the  editor  of  the  book  attached  this  as  a  sort  of  sup- 
plement to  x-xxii,  i6.  Yet  the  variation  of  style  in- 
dicates that  this  group  is  a  combination  of  two  earlier 
collections. 

There  are  several  cases  in  this  collection  in  which 
there  is  a  proverb  identical  with  one  in  other  collec- 
tions, or  similar  to  it,  thus:  xxvi,  22=xviii,  8;  xxviii, 
6=xix,  i;  xxvi,  I5=xix,  24;  xxvii  I3=xx,  16;  xxv, 
24=xxi,  9;  xxvii,  I2=xxii,  3.  Within  the  collection 
there  is  one  case  of  repetition, — xxviii,  I2=xxix,  2. 

There  is  more  of  a  tendency  in  this  part  to  group 
the  proverbs  by  subjects,  showing  a  more  careful 
editing.  At  the  beginning  there  is  a  collection  about 
kings  (xxv,  2-7),  consisting  of  four  separate  proverbs, 


280  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

V.  2,  V.  3,  vv.  4,  5,  vv.  6,  7.  The  counsel  in  the  last 
proverb  reminds  us  of  the  very  puzzling  parable  about 
taking  the  chief  seat  at  feasts  (St.  Lu.  xiv,  7-1 1). 

The  proverb  on  dealing  with  an  enemy  (xxv,  21  f.) 
serves  as  the  basis  for  some  new  Testament  teaching 
{cf.  St.  Mat.  V,  44;  Rom.  xii,  20).  There  is  a  group 
of  proverbs  about  dealing  with  fools  (xxvi,  1-12). 
That  we  are  dealing  with  the  work  of  a  collector,  and 
not  an  author,  is  apparent  from  the  fact  that  here  two 
sucessive  sayings  give  absolutely  contradictory  advice, 
one  counselling  to  pay  a  fool  in  his  own  coin  (v.  4), 
the  other  urging  the  opposite  course  (v.  5).  There 
follows  a  group  about  sluggards  (xxvi,  13-16)  in  which 
we  have  a  specimen  of  Hebrew  humor  (v.  15).  It  was 
a  favorite  saying,  as  it  is  already  found  in  xix,  24. 
There  is  a  lengthy  collection  about  the  tattler  (xxvi, 
20-28).  At  the  end  of  the  first  subdivision  there  is  a 
short  poem  on  industry  (xxvii,  23-27). 

6.  The  words  of  Agu7'  (c.  xxx). — There  is  much 
uncertainty  about  the  proper  translation  of  the  head- 
ing. But  the  whole  of  v.  i  is  the  heading,  and  it  may 
be  rendered:  "The  words  of  Agur  the  son  of  Jakeh, 
the  prophecy,  the  utterance  of  the  man  to  Ithiel.  To 
Ithiel  and  Ukal."  The  text  is  very  uncertain,  but  it 
appears  that  we  have  the  name  of  the  author,  Agur, 
and  the  names  of  the  disciples  to  whom  the  teaching 
was  given. 

The  passage  contains  a  confession  of  ignorance 
(vv.  2-4),  in  which  there  is  a  note  of  skepticism,  a 


THE  HAGIOGRAPHA  281 

caution  to  accept  litterally  the  word  of  God(vv.  5  f); 
a  prayer  against  either  poverty  or  riches  (vv.  7-9),  a 
warning  against  accusing  the  servant  of  another 
(v.  10),  and  a  series  of  riddles  in  the  form  of  tetrads. 

7.  The  words  of  King  Lemuel  (xxxi,  1-9),  to 
which  the  title  adds,  "the  prophecy  which  his 
mother  taught  him." — The  fragment  is  really  counsel 
to  a  king  from  his  mother,  warning  him  to  keep  clear 
of  women  and  strong  drink,  and  to  judge  rightly  the 
lowly.  It  would  be  more  appropriate  therefore  if  the 
title  were:   The  words  to  King  Lemuel. 

8.  The  ifidusUdous  woman  {xxx^  10-31). — This  is  an 
acrostic  poem,  like  those  in  Lamentations,  praising 
the  woman  who  is  a  tireless  worker.  The  ideal  of 
woman  is  not  very  high,  but  to  the  Jew,  as  to  many 
others,  a  thrifty,  energetic  wife  was  deemed  a  great 
blessing. 

Daniel 

Daniel,  like  the  book  of  Ezra,  is  written  partly  in 
Aramaic  and  partly  in  Hebrew,  the  portion  in  the 
former  language  being  ii,  4^-7.  It  is  impossible  to 
give  any  satisfactory  reason  for  the  change  of  tongue, 
all  the  conjectures  hitherto  made  proving  inadequate. 

In  the  English  Bible  Daniel  is  grouped  with  the 
prophets.  But  the  resemblance  to  the  prophetic 
books  is  not  very  close,  elastic  as  the  term  "prophet" 
is  in  Hebrew  use.  Still  the  similarity  of  cc.  vii-xii  to 
books  like  Ezekiel  and  Zechariah  lends  some  color  to 


282  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

the  classification.    The  book  falls  into  two  parts,  and 
these  parts  differ  from  each  other  in  a  marked  way. 

I.  Cc.  i-vi. — In  this  part  we  have  a  series  of  tales, 
including  much  of  the  marvelous,  and  in  all  but  one 
of  which  Daniel  figures  as  the  hero.  Nevertheless, 
the  stories  are  not  told  to  exalt  Daniel,  but  to  show 
the  power  and  glory  of  God,  and  the  reward  that  falls 
to  His  faithful  servants. 

In  c.  i  there  is  the  introduction,  showing  how 
Daniel  and  his  three  associates,  being  of  royal  or 
noble  birth,  were  initiated  into  the  mysteries  of  Chal- 
dean wisdom.  The  four  Jews  were  exiles  who  had 
been  captured  at  Jerusalem  and  taken  to  Babylon. 
They  were  all  rechristened  with  Babylonian  names, 
though  Daniel's  new  name  (Belteshazzar)  appears  in 
but  one  of  the  stories  (iv),  the  other  identifications 
being  editorial  (iv,  19;  x,  i).  Daniel  refused  to  eat 
of  the  royal  dainties,  preferring  pulse  and  water,  and 
yet  his  flesh  was  better  than  that  of  youths  who  ate 
of  the  king's  bounties.  The  four  become  skilled  in 
learning  and  wisdom,  Daniel  being  especially  expert 
in  the  understanding  of  visions  and  dreams. 

In  c.  ii  occurs  the  story  of  Nebuchadrezzar's  forgot- 
ten dream,  which  his  wise  men  could  not  recall,  but 
which  Daniel  reproduced  and  interpreted,  resulting 
in  the  king's  acknowledgement  of  Daniel's  God  and 
his  promotion  of  Daniel  and  his  three  associates  to 
positions  of  great  honor.  In  the  next  tale  (iii,  1-30) 
Daniel  does  not  appear,  the  heroes  being  Shadrach, 


THE  HAGIOGRAPHA  283 

Meshach  and  Abednego.  As  these  men  refused  to 
bow  down  to  the  king's  royal  image  they  were  cast 
into  a  superheated  furnace,  from  which  they  later 
emerged  without  any  damage,  the  fire  not  even  leav- 
ing an  odor  that  could  be  detected  on  them.  This  led 
to  a  decree  forbidding  anyone  to  speak  against  the 
God  who  had  so  miraculously  protected  His  servants. 

In  iv  there  is  a  piece  of  royal  autobiography. 
The  king  dreams  of  a  majestic  tree;  and  here  his  wise 
men  were  unable  to  interpret  the  vision,  and  thus 
Daniel  is  given  the  opportunity  to  show  his  power. 
His  interpretation  predicts  a  period  of  insanity  for 
Nebuchadrezzar,  a  prediction  perfectly  fulfilled,  the 
king  being  restored  and  giving  credit  to  the  Most 
High. 

In  c.  V,  without  any  notice  of  a  change,  Belshazzar 
is  the  king  of  Babylon,  and  he  is  called  the  son  of 
Nebuchadrezzar.  At  a  banquet,  in  which  the  king 
and  his  fellow-revellers  drink  wine  from  the  sacred 
vessels  which  had  been  plundered  from  the  temple  of 
Jerusalem,  a  mysterious  handwriting  appears  on  the 
wall,  which  the  wise  men  are  unable  either  to  read  or 
explain.  At  the  suggestion  of  the  queen,  Daniel  is 
brought  in,  and  he  readily  solves  the  mystery,  the 
mystic  words  pointing  to  the  speedy  downfall  of  the 
king. 

We  are  brought  to  the  reign  of  Darius  in  the  last 
of  the  tales,  which  affords  a  good  climax  (v,  31-vi). 
Daniel  is  in  high  favor  with  the  king,  and  holds  so 
prominent  a  position  that  the  jealousy  of  the  other 


284  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

officials  is  aroused  and  they  hatch  a  clever  plot  to  ac- 
complish their  rival's  destruction.  In  spite  of  a  royal 
decree,  Daniel  prays  as  usual  and  in  a  place  where  he 
may  be  seen  of  men.  The  king  is  deeply  distressed 
when  he  sees  Daniel  in  the  toils,  and  expresses  the 
hope  that  Daniel's  God  would  save  him,  and  fasts  the 
whole  night  while  Daniel  was  in  the  den  of  lions. 
The  accusers  of  the  unharmed  sage  are  fed  to  the  lions, 
whose  mouths  had  been  closed  against  Daniel. 

The  meaning  of  these  stories  is  plain.  They  teach 
the  triumph  of  the  servants  of  God,  but  not  in  war. 
The  contest  waged  against  foreigners  is  no  longer 
with  the  sword  of  steel,  but  with  the  sword  of  the 
spirit.  In  three  of  the  tales  the  plot  is  the  victory  of 
Daniel  over  the  wise  men  of  Chaldea,  and  in  two 
others  the  point  is  that  no  power  can  really  harm  the 
faithful  followers  of  God. 

Practically  all  modern  scholars  explain  these  stories 
as  tales  written  to  teach  a  religious  lesson  rather  than 
as  a  record  of  historic  fact.  The  author  shows  him- 
self but  poorly  informed  in  the  history  of  the  period. 
So  far  as  we  know,  there  was  no  conquest  of  Jerusa- 
lem in  the  third  year  of  Jehoiakim  as  stated  in  i,  i. 
Nabunidus  was  the  successor  of  Nebuchadrezzar  (not 
Belshazzar),  and  he  was  not  his  son.  The  reign  of 
Darius  is  placed  directly  after  that  of  Belshazzar 
(v,  30  f.);  and  Darius  is  made  the  son  of  Ahasuerus 
(Xerxes)  (ix,  i).  As  a  matter  of  fact  Darius  was  the 
father  of  Xerxes,  and  ruled  later  than  Cyrus,  in  the 
first  year  of  whose  reign  Daniel's  career  is  said  to 


THE  HA  GIOGRA  PHA  285 

have  ended  (i,  21).  These  errors  are  due  to  the  fact 
that  the  author  of  the  stories  lived  long  after  the 
period,  and  that  his  interest  lay  in  the  religious  les- 
sons, not  in  the  chronology  of  the  Babylonian  and 
Persian  kings. 

2.  Cc.  vii-xii. — This  part  of  the  book  is  apocalyptic. 
First,  there  are  two  dreams,  and  their  interpretation 
(vii,  8).  But  now  Daniel,  not  the  kings  of  Baby- 
lonia, is  the  dreamer.  In  fact,  no  persons  figure  in 
this  part  of  the  book  save  Daniel  and  the  celestial 
beings  who  communicate  with  him.  Following  this 
there  is  a  prayer  by  Daniel,  asking  that  the  sins  of 
the  nation  be  forgiven  in  view  of  the  approaching  end 
of  the  seventy  years  of  the  exile,  and  the  reply  of  the 
angel  Gabriel  explaining  the  delay,  but  promising  the 
fulfilment  of  God's  promises  at  the  end  of  seventy 
weeks  of  years  (ix).  Finally,  in  x-xii,  we  have  a  sort 
of  vision  which  Daniel  saw  by  the  Tigris,  with  which 
we  may  compare  Ezekiel's  visions  by  the  Chebar. 

There  are  so  many  references  to  comparatively  un- 
known historic  events  that  it  is  difficult  to  get  much 
satisfaction  out  of  this  section,  and  in  the  whole  book 
the  symbols  have  received  many  diverse  interpreta- 
tions. There  is  one  point  that  is  now  deemed  certain, 
and  that  is  that  this  part  of  the  book  has  as  its  main 
background  the  terrible  persecutions  of  Antiochus 
Epiphanes. 

This  king  conceived  the  idea  of  religious  unity  for 
his  whole  Syrian  kingdom,  and  so  it  was  decreed  that 


286  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

everyone  should  conform  to  the  Greek  religion,  and 
the  Jews  were  required  to  sacrifice  the  unclean  swine's 
flesh.  The  period  was  accordingly  one  of  terrible  per- 
secution to  the  Jews,  and  the  promises  of  God  seemed 
further  from  fulfilment  than  ever.  Underneath  all  the 
strange  symbols,  there  runs  on  the  one  hand  the  de- 
spair of  the  people  in  the  face  of  the  bitter  calamities, 
and  the  conviction  that  in  due  time  God  would  show 
His  power  on  behalf  of  His  people. 

Daniel  is  very  probably  a  historic  person,  and  he 
was  famous  as  a  sage,  even  as  David  was  famous  as  a 
poet,  Moses  as  a  law-giver,  and  Solomon  as  a  philoso- 
pher. Tales  of  Daniel's  sagacity  were  told  later  than 
the  development  of  the  canon,  some  of  the  best  ones 
being  preserved  only  in  the  Apocrypha,  in  the  tales 
of  Bel  and  the  Dragon  and  the  History  of  Susanna. 

The  Megilloth 

Five  books  of  the  Old  Testament,  all  falling  in  the 
third  division  of  the  Hebrew  canon,  are  grouped  to- 
gether under  the  designation  Megilloth^  which  means 
"rolls"  (of  manuscript).  The  books  have  really  noth- 
ing in  common  save  that  they  were  publicly  read  at 
festivals, — Canticles  at  Passover,  Ruth  at  Pentecost, 
Lamentations  on  the  day  commemorating  the  fall  of 
Jerusalem,    Ecclesiastes   at    Booths,    and   Esther  at 

Purim. 

I .    The  Song  of  Songs 

From  the  heading  in  i,  i,  the  title  of  this  book 
in  our  English  Bibles  is  The  Song  of  Solomon.  The 
Vulgate  translates   the   first  two  words   of   the  text 


THE  HAGIOGRAPHA  287 


canticum  caniicormn,  whence  we  have  the  common 
title  Canticles.  The  Hebrew  title  is  Shir  Hasshi- 
rim  {—So7ig  of  Songs),  the  construction  having  a  su- 
perlative sense,  and  so  meaning  the  supremely  great 
song.  Hence  R.  Akiba  said,  "The  whole  world  is 
not  worth  the  day  on  which  the  Song  was  given  to 
Israel."  The  phrase  in  the  title,  "which  is  to  Solo- 
mon," may  indicate  a  dedication. 

The  Song  had  a  hard  struggle  to  secure  a  place  in 
the  canon.  Even  when  canonical  recognition  was 
secured,  the  Jews  made  a  rule  that  the  book  should 
not  be  read  by  any  person  under  thirty  years  of  age. 
The  book  has  been  highly  esteemed  and  widely  used 
for  homiletic  purposes,  St.  Bernard  preaching  a  series 
of  eighty-six  sermons  thereon,  and  then  only  getting 
to  iii,  I,  for  his  texts. 

The  interpretation  has  passed  through  three  stages, 
and  a  study  of  these  stages  shows  the  various  ideas  of 
the  structure  and  character  of  the  book : 

a.  The  allegorical.— This  method  of  interpretation 
was  the  ground  on  which  the  book  was  admitted  to  the 
canon.  The  Jewish  exegetes  held  that  the  poem  was  an 
allegory  of  the  love  between  God  and  Israel,  conceiving 
that  the  song  portrayed  the  whole  history  of  Israel. 
This  suggestion  was  followed  by  Christian  interpre- 
ters, with  inevitable  modifications,  making  it  a  pro- 
phetic picture  of  the  love  between  Christ  and  the 
Church.  The  New  Testament  portrayal  of  the 
Church  as  the  bride  of  Christ  naturally  prepared  the 
way  for  this  interpretation. 


288  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

b.  The  dramatic. — The  basis  of  this  conception  of 
the  book  is  the  acceptance  of  the  view  that  the  Song 
of  Songs  portrays  human  love.  The  elder  Delitzsch 
developed  this  interpretation,  but  he  made  the  poem 
a  drama  with  two  characters  only,  Solomon  and  the 
Shulammite  maiden.  Ewald  improved  the  theory  by 
adding  a  third  dramatis pej'sona^  introducing  a  shep- 
herd lover,  from  whom  Solomon  tries  to  win  the  rustic 
maiden.  This  theory  of  the  book  was  generally  held 
for  many  years,  and  yet  it  never  worked  out  satisfac- 
torily, for  it  is  impossible  to  fit  the  various  parts 
to  the  scheme. 

c.  The  third  view  is  that  the  Song  is  a  collection 
of  love  songs,  and  these  portray  sometimes  very  out- 
spokenly the  passions  of  men  and  women.  J.  G.  Wet- 
stein,  who  was  the  German  consul  at  Damascus, 
noticed  that  many  of  the  songs  sung  during  the  seven 
days'  celebration  of  Oriental  marriages  closely  re- 
sembled those  in  this  book.  This  theory  has  been 
worked  out  by  many  able  scholars,  and  is  very  gen- 
erally accepted  to-day.  The  objections  raised  for 
the  most  part  ignore  the  fact  that  marriage  is  a 
divine  institution  and  that  the  proper  basis  for  mar- 
riage is  love. 

The  date  of  the  poem  is  hard  to  fix,  and  is  not  very 
important.  There  are  linguistic  features  which  sug- 
gest either  an  early  date  in  the  Northern  Kingdom 
or  a  late  date  in  Judah.  As  there  are  many  songs  in 
the  collection,  some  of  them  may  be  early  even  though 
the  completed  book  is  late. 


THE  HAGIOGRAPHA  289 

2.   Ruth 

In  our  English  Bibles  this  little  book  follows 
Judges,  because  of  the  heading  "in  the  days  when 
the  judges  judged"  (i,  i).  Originally  it  could  have 
had  no  such  connection,  or  it  would  not  have  been 
placed  in  the  Hagiographa.  Color  is  given  to  this 
position  by  the  appendix  giving  the  ancestry  of  David 
from  Perez  the  son  of  Judah  (iv,  18-22).  But  the 
book  shows  that  while  the  author  is  writing  of  the 
pre-Davidic  period,  that  age  is  conceived  as  in  the 
distant  past;  we  note  particularly  the  explanation  of 
an  ancient  custom  of  drawing  off  the  shoe  as  a  witness 
of  a  contract  (iv,  7f.). 

There  is  in  no  literature  a  more  beautifully  told  story. 
A  famine  in  Judah  drives  a  family  of  Bethlehemites 
to  the  fertile  plains  of  Moab.  Here  the  two  sons 
marry  Moabite  maidens,  and  this  marriage  is  without 
offense.  All  the  males  of  the  family  die  in  Moab,  and 
the  bereaved  Naomi  returns  to  her  own  people.  One 
of  her  widowed  daughters-in-law  will  not  be  left  be- 
hind and  changes  her  home,  religion  and  people.  In 
the  course  of  time,  acting  under  the  tutelage  of  the 
shrewd  Naomi,  Ruth  is  taken  to  wife  by  Boaz,  a  rich 
and  powerful  kinsman  of  her  mother-in-law,  and  to 
this  young  Moabite  is  born  Obed,  the  grandfather  of 
the  renowned  David. 

The  book  is  written  obviously  with  a  didactic  pur- 
pose. It  contains  two  lessons.  One  is  the  inno- 
cence of  marriage  to  a  foreigner.     If  the  great-grand- 


290  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

mother  of  the  king  after  God's  own  heart  was  a  maiden 
of  Moab,  there  could  be  no  real  ground  for  the  protest 
against  matrimonial  alliances  with  aliens.  The  other 
lesson  is  the  duty  of  levirate  marriage, — a  kind  of  mar- 
riage having  the  sanction  of  law  and  custom  (Deut. 
XXV,  5-10;  Gen.  xxxviii).  The  lesson  is  perhaps  all 
the  more  impressive  as  the  case  requires  extension  of 
the  law  from  a  brother  to  any  near  kinsman.  The 
first  of  these  lessons  has  led  many  scholars  to  assign 
the  book  to  the  Persian  age,  regarding  it  as  a  protest 
against  the  narrow  policy  of  Nehemiah  (Neh.  xiii,  23- 
28)  and  of  Ezra  (Ezr.  ix,  x). 

3.  Lamentations 

In  the  English  Bible  this  book  follows  Jeremiah  on 
the  ground  that  he  was  the  author,  a  tradition  found 
in  a  heading  in  the  Septuagint.  There  is  nothing  to 
support  the  Jeremian  authorship  except  the  general 
idea  that  dirges  would  be  most  naturally  attributable 
to  him,  and  that  the  poems  deal  with  the  fall  of  Jeru- 
salem, an  unhappy  event  which  fell  in  his  day.  Many 
reasons  have  been  urged  to  the  contrary,  and  the  gen- 
eral opinion  is  not  only  that  Jeremiah  was  not  the 
author,  but  that  no  one  person  wrote  all  of  these  dirges. 

For  there  are  really  five  independent  poems,  all  hav- 
ing a  common  theme,  and  some  of  them  having  com- 
mon forms.  The  first  four  poems — each  chapter  con- 
tains a  separate  production— are  acrostics,  following 
the  letters  of  the  Hebrew  alphabet.  In  cc.  i,  ii  each 
verse  has  three  members  or  lines,  and  the  alphabetic 


THE  HAGIOGRAPHA  291 

letter  is  used  only  at  the  beginning  of  the  verse.  The 
poem  in  c.  iv  is  the  same,  save  that  each  verse  contains 
but  two  members.  In  c.  iii  each  verse  contains  three 
lines,  and  each  line  begins  with  the  proper  alphabetic 
letter.  This  poem  contains  sixty-six  lines;  the  first 
three  lines  begin  with  a  word  whose  initial  letter  is 
aleph,  the  first  letter  of  the  Hebrew  alphabet,  and 
this  highly  artificial  procedure  is  carried  out  through 
the  whole.  The  fifth  dirge  is  not  alphabetic,  and  yet 
there  are  the  proper  twenty-two  verses,  corresponding 
to  the  twenty-two  letters  of  the  Hebrew  alphabet. 
The  dirges,  as  hinted  above,  all  bewail  the  fall  of 
Jerusalem  in  586,  and  whoever  the  author  or  authors 
were,  they  had  the  gift  of  singing  a  pathetic  song  of 
distress.  In  Lam.  i  the  theme  is  the  utter  desolation 
of  Zion,  the  absence  of  any  friend  of  Judah,  and  the 
hand  of  Jahveh  as  the  source  of  the  blow.  In  Lam.  ii 
the  theme  is  the  anger  of  Jahveh  and  the  terrible  de- 
struction that  resulted.  The  only  human  element 
noted  is  the  deceiving  visions  of  Jahveh's  prophets. 
Lam.  iii  rises  to  a  more  hopeful  strain  in  that  the 
poet  is  sure  of  the  mercy  of  Jahveh,  so  that  He  will 
not  utterly  destroy  His  people.  Here  we  find  the 
prophetic  conception  of  sin  as  the  cause  of  Jahveh's 
severe  punishment.  In  at  least  a  part  of  the  dirge 
the  nation  is  personified.  Lam.  iv  pictures  particu- 
larly the  terrible  suffering  of  the  famished  inhabi- 
tants; the  idea  of  sin  as  the  cause  is  introduced;  and 
the  typical  bitterness  towards  Edom  finds  expression 
(vv.  21,  22).     In  Lam.  v  the  desolation  is  painted  so 


292  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

as  to  move  Jahveh  to  compassion,  and  the  dirge  closes 
with  a  fervent  appeal  for  His  help. 

4.  Ecclesiastes 

The  Hebrew  title  is  Qoheleth^  a  word  rendered 
'Treacher"  in  the  English  Bibles,  but  which  the 
Greeks  translated  Ecclesiastes.  The  meaning  of 
qoheleth  is  not  certainly  known,  but  it  has  something 
to  do  with  the  congregation,  and  may  mean  '*a  speaker 
in  the  assembly."  While  that  idea  is  widely  ac- 
cepted, it  is  not  at  all  appropriate  to  the  use  in  this 
book;  for  qoheleth  is  a  solitary  figure,  soliloquizing 
on  the  problems  of  life,  and  shows  no  trace  of  any 
disposition  to  appear  as  a  public  speaker. 

This  book  is  one  of  the  strangest  in  the  Bible.  It 
puzzled  the  ancients  and  had  a  hard  struggle  for  ca- 
nonical recognition.  Perhaps  such  recognition  was 
only  obtained  by  the  help  of  one  or  more  editors. 
The  book  puzzles  the  modern  student  as  well,  for  there 
are  problems  for  the  interpreter  which  have  led  to 
countless  divergent  views.  Whatever  else  he  was, 
Qoheleth  was  a  thorough-going  pessimist.  It  cer- 
tainly was  his  opinion  that  there  was  very  little  good 
in  life.  The  book  is  a  product  of  the  dark  ages  in 
Hebrew  history,  and  is  rightly  assigned  to  the  gloomy 
part  of  the  Greek  period,  perhaps  shortly  before  the 
Maccabean  revolt. 

The  author  writes  from  a  wide  experience  of  life, 
and  one  of  his  main  points  is  the  failure  of  the  re- 
ceived views.     It  had  been  held  that  the  righteous 


THE  HAGIOGRAPHA  293 

prosper,  but  Ooheleth  finds  that  good  and  evil  have 
nothing  to  do  with  character, — "all  things  come  alike 
to  all:  there  is  one  event  to  the  righteous  and  to  the 
wicked"  (ix,  2).  Comfort  had  come  to  many  from 
the  development  of  the  idea  of  the  future  life,  but 
Qoheleth  takes  a  distinct  Sadducean  position,  insist- 
ing that  man  perishes  finally  in  death,  even  as  the 
beasts  (iii,  igff.-ix,  4-10).  The  author  had  tried  all 
the  supposed  good  things  of  life:  he  had  pursued  wis- 
dom, only  to  find  that  it  was  "a  striving  after  wind" 
(i,  12-18);  he  had  given  himself  up  to  pleasure,  and 
had  tasted  it  in  every  known  form,  only  to  discover 
that  it  ends  in  vanity  (ii,  i-ii). 

Moreover,  Qoheleth  was  a  fatalist.  He  believed 
that  the  course  of  events  in  the  world  was  fixed,  and 
could  not  be  changed,  no  matter  what  any  man  did; 
"that  which  hath  been  is  that  which  shall  be"  (i,  9); 
"for  everything  there  is  a  reason,  and  a  time  for  every 
purpose  under  heaven:  a  time  to  be  born  and  a  time 
to  die"  (iii,  i  f.).  Even  when  a  more  hopeful  note  is 
promised,  the  tone  gradually  changes  to  despondency. 
Few  books  contain  a  more  eloquent  passage  than  that 
bidding  the  young  glory  in  their  youth  (xi,  9-xii,  8), 
and  yet  the  passage  in  the  end  groans  with  the  despair 
of  hopeless  old  age. 

There  is  another  note  running  through  the  book. 
Thus  the  passage  just  cited  ends:  "The  spirit  re- 
turneth  unto  God  who  gave  it."  Again  we  read, 
"for  to  the  man  that  pleaseth  him,  God  giveth  wis- 
dom, and  knowledge  and  joy,  but  to  the  sinner  he 


294  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

giveth  travail"  (ii,  26).  Again,  **I  know  that  it  shall 
be  well  with  them  that  fear  God"  (viii,  12).  Pas- 
sages of  this  kind  have  led  to  the  theory  that  the  book 
was  a  sort  of  a  dialogue,  like  Job,  two  assumed  per- 
sons arguing  for  different  positions.  But  the  book 
will  not  bear  that  sort  of  an  explanation,  and  the  con- 
clusion is  inevitable  that  these  short  passages  were 
added  by  later  hands  to  make  the  book  more  accept- 
able to  a  religious  people. 

5.  Esther 

The  scene  of  the  story  is  laid  in  Susa,  the  capital 
of  Persia,  at  the  court  of  King  Ahasuerus  (Xerxes). 
The  king  held  a  great  feast,  and  when  heated  by  wine 
ordered  his  queen  Vashti  brought  before  the  revellers 
to  exhibit  her  beauty.  As  she  refused  to  appear,  by 
the  advise  of  the  seven  princes,  she  was  deposed.  In 
a  competitive  contest  for  the  vacant  place,  Esther, 
the  cousin  of  Mordecai,  is  successful  and  wins  pecu- 
liar honor  from  the  king.  Great  pains  were  taken  to 
conceal  the  fact  that  she  was  of  the  Jewish  race. 

Haman  comes  to  the  front  as  the  chief  minister  of 
the  king,  but  Mordecai  refuses  him  homage,  even 
though  the  royal  edict  enjoined  upon  all  subjects  that 
obligation,  whereupon  Haman  determined  to  have  re- 
venge by  exterminating  all  the  Jews.  The  plot  was 
foiled  by  Esther  acting  at  Mordecai's  request  and  ac- 
cording to  his  instructions,  even  though  she  took  her 
life  in  her  hand  in  approaching  the  king  without  in- 
vitation.   The  tables  are  neatly  turned  on   Haman, 


THE  HAGIOGRAPHA  295 

and  he  is  hung  on  the  gigantic  gallows  he  had  erected 
for  Mordecai's  execution,  and  Mordecai  becomes  chief 
minister  in  his  place.  By  royal  edict  the  Jews  are 
authorized  to  make  war  on  their  enemies,  and  75,000 
are  slain  in  the  Persian  Empire,  besides  800  in  the 
capital  itself.  To  commemorate  this  great  triumph 
over  their  foes,  the  feast  of  Purim  was  instituted  and 
was  to  be  kept  annually  on  the  fourteenth  of  Adar. 

Formerly  there  was  much  doubt  about  the  identity 
of  Ahasuerus,  but  now  the  controversy  is  set  at  rest 
by  the  discovery  of  the  name  on  the  Persian  monu- 
ments. Ahasuerus  is  the  proper  Persian  name  which 
has  come  to  us  through  the  Greek  in  a  corrupt  form 
as  Xerxes  I,  who  reigned  485-464  b.c. 

There  is  general  agreement  that  the  book  is  a  unit 
with  the  possible  exception  of  ix,  20-x,  3.  These  verses 
have  peculiar  features,  and  yet  the  book  is  not  complete 
without  them,  so  that  Paton  holds  that  ix,  20-x,  i,  was 
an  earlier  document  and  is  incorporated  bodily  by  the 
author  of  Esther  (^Int.  Crit.  Comm.,  p.  60). 

The  book  is  named  from  the  heroine,  like  Ruth  and 
Judith.  There  is  no  ground  for  supposing  that  Esther 
was  the  author.  The  date  of  the  story  is  definitely 
fixed  in  the  reign  of  Xerxes,  but  the  date  of  the  com- 
position is  not  so  easily  determined.  It  could  not  be 
earlier  that  about  450,  and  may  be  much  later.  The 
majority  of  modern  scholars  assign  it  to  the  Greek 
period,  some  bringing  it  down  to  the  second  century. 

The  book  is  peculiar  in  that  it  does  not  contain  the 
name  of  God ;  indeed  there  is  little  of  a  religious  or 


296  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

ethical  tone  in  the  book  anywhere.  It  closely  ap- 
proaches the  spirit  of  the  apocalyptic  literature.  It  is 
a  picture  of  the  struggles  of  the  Jews  with  the  races 
which  held  them  in  scorn  and  bondage. 

It  is  generally  conceded  that  the  one  purpose  of  the 
book  is  to  show  the  origin  of  the  Feast  of  Purim  and 
to  enforce  its  observance.  But  it  appears  to  bring  out 
some  other  points  dear  to  the  heart  of  the  Jews.  The 
fate  of  Vashti  is  a  warning  to  all  women  who  dare  to 
question  even  the  most  unreasonable  commands  of 
their  husbands.  It  brings  out  too  the  shrewdness  of 
the  Jews  in  outwitting  their  enemies,  illustrating  how 
a  man's  wickedness  may  fall  upon  his  own  pate. 

The  one  problem  of  the  book  that  was  much  de- 
bated in  the  past  was  that  of  its  historicity.  To-day 
nearly  all  scholars  are  agreed  that  the  story  of  Esther 
is  without  any  historical  foundation.  In  some  re- 
spects the  book  gives  a  correct  picture  of  conditions 
in  the  Persian  Empire,  but  that  of  course  does  not 
prove  that  it  is  historical.  The  main  points  urged 
against  its  historicity  are  these: 

(i)  There  is  no  reason  to  believe  that  an  edict  of  a 
Persian  king  could  not  be  countermanded,  as  held 
here  (i,  19-viii,  8).  That  theory  was  necessary  for 
the  story,  otherwise  the  author  would  have  had  no 
ground  for  the  massacre  of  the  Jews'  enemies.  (2)  It 
is  impossible  that  Xerxes  would  have  issued  orders 
authorizing  civil  war  in  his  dominions.  (3)  The 
chronology  is  quite  inconsistent.  Mordecai  is  said  to 
have  been  taken  captive  with  Jeconiah,  i.e.  598  B.C., 


THE  HAGIOGRAPHA  297 

and  he  is  still  a  hale  person  at  ths  Persian  court  more 
than  a  century  later.  (4)  It  is  quite  impossible  for 
a  Persian  queen  to  be  chosen  as  Esther  was,  for  the 
law  limited  the  king's  choice  to  seven  noble  Persian 
families.  The  theory  that  Esther  was  only  a  royal 
favorite,  as  urged  to  make  the  story  plausible,  is  incon- 
sistent with  her  position  as  described  in  the  narrative. 
(5)  There  is  no  ground  for  the  assertion  that  it  was 
perilous  to  approach  the  royal  person  without  a  sum- 
mons (iv,  11).  (6)  The  persons  whose  names  abound 
in  the  book,  many  of  them  being  people  of  great 
prominence,  are  unknown  in  history.  (7)  According 
to  Herodotus  the  name  of  Xerxes'  queen  was  Ames- 
tris,  and  identification  with  Esther  is  quite  im- 
possible; besides  Amestris  was  the  daughter  of  a 
Persian  officer.  (8)  While  we  cannot  lay  stress  upon 
figures,  the  statement  that  Haman  built  a  gallows 
eighty-three  feet  high  puts  a  strain  upon  our  faith. 
(9)  Finally,  the  origin  of  the  Feast  of  Purim  is  not 
very  satisfactory.  It  derives  its  name  from/2/r,  **the 
lot"  (iii,  7).  But  pnr  is  unknown  in  the  Persian 
language,  and  this  incident  makes  but  a  slight  con- 
nection with  the  feast.  A  fast  rather  than  a  feast 
would  be  the  proper  commemoration  of  the  casting  of 
a  lot  to  determine  a  day  upon  which  the  Jews  were  to 
be  massacred.  It  is  true  that  the  scholars  are  quite 
at  sea  as  to  the  origin  of  this  feast.  It  is  urged  by 
many  that  it  is  an  adaptation  of  a  Persian  or  Babylo- 
nian festival.  The  feast  was  certainly  observed  by 
the  Jews,  but,  like  a  great  many  other  institutions, 
it  is  not  possible  to  trace  it  to  its  source. 


A 


VI. 

THE  APOCRYPHA 

GENERAL  account  of  the  Old  Testament 
should  not  wholly  neglect  the  so-called  apocry- 
phal books.  These  books  are  those  found  in  the 
Greek,  but  not  in  the  Hebrew  canon;  that  is,  they  are 
those  of  which  no  Hebrew  original  was  known.  The 
classification  is  not  altogether  correct ;  for  i  Esdras, 
as  shown  above  (under  Ezra-Nekemiak)^  is  nothing 
but  a  translation  of  a  part  of  that  original  Chronicles- 
Ezra-Nehemiah.  Within  recent  years  a  Hebrew  text 
of  a  large  part  of  Ecclesiasticus  has  been  found,  and 
it  may  well  be  that  all  of  these  books  are  translations. 

In  the  Articles  of  Religion,  a  body  of  doctrine 
almost  forgotten  now,  there  is  an  attempt  to  differen- 
tiate the  apocryphal  from  the  canonical  books  on  the 
basis  of  the  character  of  the  contents,  the  apocryphal 
books  being  regarded  as  suitable  for  edification,  but 
not  for  doctrine.  The  distinction  is  not  very  real,  for 
the  doctrine  of  the  resurrection  could  hardly  be  estab- 
lished from  the  canonical  books,  while  it  is  a  corner- 
stone in  the  teaching  of  the  Wisdom  of  Solomon. 
There  are  legendary  tales  in  the  Apocrypha;  but  so 
there  are  in  the  canonical  books. 

So  far  as  literary  character  is  concerned,  in  this 
collection  we  have  poetical  books  and  narrative  books. 
The  poetical  books  are  two,  the  Wisdom  of  Solomon 
and  Ecclesiasticus,  and  they  are  very  noble  poems  in- 


THE  APOCRYPHA  299 

deed.  The  former  is  particularly  beautiful  in  thnight 
and  expression,  and  is  a  product  of  the  developing 
Pharisaic  school,  pleading  for  the  idea  of  immortality. 
Ecclesiasticus  is  professedly  a  Greek  translation  of  a 
wisdom  book  written  by  Jesus  the  son  of  Sirach.  The 
translation  was  made  in  Alexandria  about  132  b.c. 
The  book  is  quite  in  the  style  of  Proverbs,  especially 
of  cc.  i-ix.  The  aim  of  the  book  is  to  teach  men  how 
to  get  along  in  life,  and  the  general  principle  is  one 
of  expediency. 

In  regard  to  the  narrative  books,  several  of  them 
are  associated  with  books  in  the  canon,  i  Esdras,  as 
already  stated,  is  a  good  translation  of  2  Chr.  xxxvf., 
Ezra,  and  Neh.  viii,  1-12,  though  it  contains  a  section 
(iii,  i-v,  6)  that  is  not  in  the  Hebrew  Bible.  It  is 
much  more  useful  than  the  Septuagint  translation,  so 
much  so  that  it  has  been  held  that  in  this  case  the 
apocryphal  and  canonical  books  have  become  tran- 
posed. 

2  Esdras  is  quite  a  different  matter.  There  is  noth- 
ing but  the  name  to  connect  this  book  with  Ezra. 
For  in  this  book  the  hero  is  conceived  as  a  prophet, 
and  he  sees  visions  and  receives  communications,  like 
Daniel,  by  the  intermediate  angel.  The  book  is  an 
attempt  to  lift  the  veil  of  the  future.  The  setting  is 
the  Babylonian  exile,  and  the  light  the  prophet  is 
seeking  is  on  the  future  of  his  people.  It  is  a  book 
known  by  our  Lord,  as  the  reference  to  the  hen  gather- 
ing her  chickens  under  her  wings  shows  (i,  30);  also 
we  find,  "ask  and  ye  shall  receive"  (ii,  13). 


500  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

The  title  given  to  another  book,  The  Rest  of  Esther^ 
is  correct,  for  these  are  supplementary  stories  of  Mor- 
decai.  In  one  there  is  the  interpretation  of  a  dream 
(x,  4-13),  the  dream  itself  being  given  in  xi,  5-1 1. 
Mordecai  is  suitably  introduced  in  xi,  1-4,  because  in 
the  Greek  text  that  is  the  beginning  of  the  book.  It 
is  claimed  that  the  record  of  this  dream  had  been  pre- 
served, though  it  was  attached  to  the  book  in  the  time 
of  Ptolomy  and  Cleopatra.  There  is  a  story  of  Mor- 
decai's  saving  the  king  from  two  eunuchs  who  medi- 
tated his  assassination  (xii,  1-6);  there  is  the  decree 
of  Artaxerxes  ordering  the  destruction  of  the  Jewish 
people,  and  Mordecai's  prayer  for  succor  in  the  crisis 
(xiii),  and  Esther's  prayer  under  the  same  circum- 
stances (xiv);  there  is  an  account  of  her  entrance  into 
the  presence  of  the  king,  whose  wrath  was  turned  to 
compassion  when  the  queen  fainted  (xv).  Finally 
there  is  a  decree  of  Artaxerxes,  reversing  the  former 
decree  against  the  Jews,  and  extolling  them  and  their 
religion  (xvi). 

As  these  additional  chapters  are  scattered  through 
the  book  as  it  appears  in  the  Greek  text,  it  seems  that 
there  were  two  editions  of  Esther,  as  there  were  of 
other  Old  Testament  books,  and  that  the  shorter  edi- 
tion found  its  place  in  the  Hebrew  text,  and  the  longer 
one  in  the  Greek. 

The  book  of  Baruch  is  a  sort  of  supplement  to  Jere- 
miah. It  professes  to  be  written  in  Babylon  after  the 
destruction  of  Jerusalem.  The  book  was  sent  to  Je- 
rusalem   with    money   for   sacrifices,    imploring   the 


THE  APOCRYPHA  301 

people  to  pray  for  the  welfare  of  the  Babylonian  kings. 
It  consists  of  a  long  prayer,  justifying  the  punishment 
in  the  exile,  and  of  an  address  to  the  people.  There 
is  appended  a  letter  of  Jeremiah  to  those  about  to 
be  deported  to  Babylon,  showing  the  absurdity  of  the 
Babylonian  deities  and  warning  the  exiles  not  to  wor- 
ship them. 

Three  of  the  apocryphal  books  are  supplements  to 
the  book  of  Daniel.  The  Song  of  the  Three  Holy 
Children  contains  a  prayer  of  Azarias  (Abednego),  an 
account  of  the  efforts  to  keep  the  furnace  hot,  and  of 
its  cooling  by  an  angel  from  the  Lord,  so  that  the  fire 
did  not  harm  the  three  faithful  servants  of  God.  Then 
we  find  the  Song  of  Praise  sung  by  the  three  victims, 
a  part  of  which  has  found  its  place  in  Christian  wor- 
ship as  the  Benedicite^  which,  though  a  joyful  song  of 
praise,  is  usually  sung  only  in  Lent.  The  History  of 
Susanna  shows  Daniel's  human  wisdom,  in  that  he 
cleverly  confounds  the  false  witnesses  who  had  sworn 
away  the  honor  of  the  heroine.  Bel  and  the  Dragon 
shows  the  same  trait.  Both  might  be  classed  as  de- 
tective stories.  In  the  latter  Daniel  neatly  exposes 
the  claim  that  the  food  placed  in  the  temple  is  eaten 
by  the  gods.  The  ashes  he  sprinkles  upon  the  floor 
show  the  footprints  of  the  priests,  who  take  away  the 
food  in  the  night. 

The  Prayer  of  Manasseh  might  well  be  in  the  second 
book  of  Chronicles  (xxxiii,  13).  Undoubtedly  it  was 
composed  with  reference  to  the  chronicler's  tale  of 
the  repentance  of  this  wicked  king.      It  is   a   very 


302  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

humble  confession,  beautiful  in  its  conception  of 
divine  forgiveness,  and  bringing  out  strongly  the  place 
of  repentance  in  the  life  of  a  sinner. 

The  book  of  Tobit  introduces  a  member  of  the  tribe 
of  Naphtali  after  the  fall  of  the  Northern  Kingdom. 
It  is  the  story  of  a  Jew  who  was  faithful  to  his  prin- 
ciples while  living  among  foreigners  in  Assyria.  The 
chief  point  of  interest  is  the  havoc  wrought  by  As- 
modseus  the  evil  spirit,  and  the  neutralizing  of  his 
powers  by  certain  rites  prescribed  by  the  angel 
Raphael. 

In  the  book  of  Judith  we  have  a  thrilling  tale  of 
the  heroism  of  a  woman.  Judith  reminds  us  there- 
fore of  Deborah.  The  history  is  pretty  sadly  con- 
fused, as  the  story  is  laid  in  the  days  of  Nebuchad- 
rezzar, and  yet  in  Judah  the  people  have  returned 
from  captivity  and  the  temple  has  been  rebuilt  (iv, 
2f.).  Nebuchadrezzar,  who  is  called  the  king  of 
Assyria,  was  engaged  in  war  with  Arphaxad,  the  king 
of  Media,  and  had  ordered  all  his  subject  peoples  to 
join  his  standard.  His  call  was  disregarded  in  the 
west,  and  therefore,  after  the  war  was  over,  he  sent 
Holofernes  with  a  great  army  to  punish  the  disobe- 
dient states.  The  army  sweeps  through  the  country 
working  terrible  havoc  among  the  people,  until  they 
came  to  the  great  ridge  of  Judea. 

In  their  desperate  straits,  after  the  enemy  had 
seized  their  water  supply,  the  Jews  agreed  to  surren- 
der unless  succor  came  within  five  days.  Then  Judith, 
a  beautiful  and  rich  widow  of  the  tribe  of  Manasseh, 


THE  APOCRYPHA  303 

appears  as  a  second  Jael.  She  goes  into  the  camp  of 
the  enemy,  accompanied  only  by  her  maid.  By  her 
grace  and  beauty  she  stirs  the  passions  of  Holofernes, 
and  a  plot  is  laid  to  get  her  in  his  power.  But  at  the 
banquet,  which  is  to  mark  her  humiliation,  Holo- 
fernes drinks  himself  into  a  state  of  helplessness,  and 
when  all  his  servants  withdraw  by  prearrangement, 
Judith  goes  to  his  bed,  cuts  off  his  head  and  carries 
it  back  to  her  own  people.  The  death  of  the  leader 
throws  the  hostile  army  into  a  panic,  and  it  is  easily 
routed  by  the  Judean  forces. 

The  books  of  Maccabees  are  of  vast  importance, 
because  they  contain  the  only  records  of  one  of  the 
greatest  struggles  in  Hebrew  history.  Both  books  deal 
with  the  same  subject,— the  revolt  of  the  aged  Matta- 
thias,  and  the  resulting  wars  waged  by  his  sons.  The 
two  books  are  not  related  as  i  and  2  Samuel,  but  are 
independent  accounts  of  the  same  period,  i  Macca- 
bees is  much  the  more  valuable  from  the  historic 
point  of  view.  Indeed  it  is  one  of  the  soberest  his- 
toric writings  in  Hebrew  literature.  The  evidence 
indicates  that  the  book  was  originally  written  in  He- 
brew and  that  what  has  come  down  to  us  is  therefore 
a  Greek  translation.  At  all  events  the  book  contains 
many  Semitic  idioms,  and  shows  occasionally  the 
usual  misunderstanding  of  the  original. 

2  Maccabees  appears  to  have  been  written  in  Greek, 
and  shows  marked  differences  from  the  first  book. 
Especially  it  deals  more  with  the  religious  and  less 
with  the  historic  side.    At  some  points  it  presents 


304  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

the  history  in  a  somewhat  different  way,  and  again  it 
contains  material  not  in  the  first  book,  and  is  there- 
fore a  useful  supplement. 

Early  in  the  second  century  B.C.  Judea  had  become 
the  vassal  of  the  kingdom  of  Syria.  There  was  a 
strong  Greek  influence  at  work  among  the  Hebrews, 
to  which  many  of  them  had  succumbed.  There  was  a 
marked  tendency  to  darken  the  austere  discipline  of 
the  Hebrew  legalism.  On  the  other  hand,  Antiochcus 
Epiphanes,  the  Syrian  king  at  Antioch,  desired  to 
unify  the  religion  of  his  whole  realm,  and  gave  orders 
that  only  the  rites-  of  the  Greek  religion  should  be 
permitted  in  his  realm,  and  that  all  subject  peoples 
should  conform  to  this  rule.  Many  of  the  Jews  were 
quick  to  seek  favor  by  compliance,  but  not  so  with  the 
aged  Mattathias,  who  slew  one  of  the  renegades  with 
his  own  hands. 

_  The  Maccabees  had  to  fight  against  fearful  odds,  but 
they  were  possessed  of  the  Jewish  heroic  spirit  at  its 
best,  and  the  books  tell  a  truly  wonderful  story  of  the 
victories  won  by  men  who  believed  that  with  the  help 
of  their  God,  their  land  could  be  saved  by  many  or 
by  few. 


DATE  DUE 

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OLr   O  u^TWu 

CAYtORO 

PNINTCO  IN  U.S.A. 

